Victorian Liberals' court split plan attacked as threat to judicial independence

Governments shouldn't choose judges to get the outcomes they want
Liberty Victoria's president warns the proposal would allow political interference in judicial appointments to achieve predetermined sentencing results.
Mark

Why would splitting the court into two separate bodies actually change sentencing patterns? Judges are judges.

Mimi

That's the point the Coalition is making—if you appoint judges specifically chosen for criminal expertise and a tough-on-crime outlook, and their decisions become binding precedent, you gradually shift what "normal" sentencing looks like. It's not about changing the law; it's about changing who interprets it.

Mark

But doesn't the court of appeal already have criminal specialists?

Mimi

Yes. That's what makes the legal community skeptical. The Law Institute president pointed out the court already has access to judges with deep criminal expertise. So the restructuring isn't really about capability—it's about signaling and control.

Mark

Control how?

Mimi

If the government gets to choose which judges go on the criminal court, and those judges know they're there to deliver tougher sentences, you've essentially made the judiciary an instrument of executive will. That's the independence problem.

Mark

Is this just election-year posturing, or is there real appetite for this?

Mimi

Both, probably. Crime is a major issue heading into November, and Labor has already moved right on bail and sentencing. But the legal community's response suggests they see this as genuinely dangerous—not just campaign talk, but a structural threat to how courts function.

  • Opposition leader Jess Wilson has announced a plan to split Victoria's court of appeal in two, with criminal judges chosen specifically to push sentencing standards upward — a proposal that would reshape how precedent is built from the bench.
  • Legal and human rights groups responded with alarm, warning that selecting judges to achieve predetermined sentencing outcomes fundamentally compromises the separation of powers that underpins judicial independence.
  • Liberty Victoria's president called the plan a 'dangerous thought bubble' developed without expert input, while the Australian Lawyers Alliance cautioned there is no evidence the current court structure is failing beyond chronic underfunding.
  • The Law Institute of Victoria questioned the practical logic, noting the existing court of appeal already draws on judges with deep criminal expertise — leaving the reform's real purpose open to scrutiny.
  • With Labor having already passed tougher bail and sentencing laws and a November election looming, crime policy has become the central battleground, and the Liberal proposal represents the most structurally ambitious bid yet to institutionalize a harder line on offenders.

As Victoria's November election draws near, the Liberal opposition has proposed splitting the state's court of appeal into separate criminal and civil chambers, with specialist judges chosen in part for their inclination toward harsher sentencing. The plan reflects a recurring tension in democratic societies: the desire of elected governments to shape not just the laws, but the institutions that interpret them. Legal professionals warn that when the selection of judges becomes a tool of sentencing policy, the independence that gives courts their legitimacy begins to erode. What is framed as structural reform carries, in the eyes of many, the quieter ambition of judicial capture.

In the months before Victoria's November election, Liberal opposition leader Jess Wilson announced a plan to split the state's court of appeal into two distinct bodies — one for criminal matters, one for civil — staffed by judges with specialized expertise. The Coalition's stated aim is to ensure sentences reflect community expectations, with specialist criminal judges handing down decisions that would gradually build a body of precedent pushing sentencing standards upward for serious offences. Shadow attorney general James Newbury stressed that judicial appointments would follow the existing process, but that criminal expertise would become a defining criterion.

The legal community responded quickly and critically. Liberty Victoria's president Gemma Cafarella dismissed the proposal as a 'dangerous and ignorant thought bubble' developed without expert consultation, arguing that parliaments write laws and courts apply them — and that the line between those functions must remain clear. Greg Barns SC of the Australian Lawyers Alliance called it a disturbing threat to judicial independence, noting no evidence the current structure is failing beyond underfunding. The Law Institute of Victoria's president added a practical note: the existing court already has access to judges with extensive criminal expertise, raising questions about what the restructure would genuinely achieve.

The deeper concern, voiced across the legal community, is that structural reform is being used as cover for bench-stacking — selecting judges predisposed to harsher outcomes rather than impartial application of the law. Premier Ben Carroll dismissed the proposal as evidence the Liberals were 'floundering,' while One Nation's Victorian leader separately called for removing judges he deemed insufficiently tough. With Labor having already passed 'adult time for violent crime' legislation and tougher bail laws, crime policy has become the election's defining contest — and the Liberal proposal its most structurally consequential move yet.

In the lead-up to Victoria's November election, the state's Liberal opposition has proposed a fundamental restructuring of the court system that has alarmed legal professionals and human rights advocates. Opposition leader Jess Wilson announced on Sunday that if the Coalition wins government, it would split Victoria's court of appeal into two separate entities: a dedicated criminal appeals court and a distinct civil appeals court. The criminal court would be staffed by judges with specialized expertise in criminal law, and the Coalition frames this as a way to ensure sentences align with community expectations.

The proposal sits within a broader law-and-order agenda. The Coalition has committed to introducing tougher bail and sentencing laws before the end of the year if elected, and the court restructuring is designed to work in tandem with those measures. The logic, as Wilson articulated it, is that specialist criminal judges would hand down sentences that would then form legal precedent, gradually establishing a body of case law that pushes sentencing standards upward for serious offences. Shadow attorney general James Newbury emphasized that judges would be appointed through the existing process—by the governor on the attorney general's recommendation—but that criminal expertise would become a key criterion in selection.

The response from the legal community has been swift and pointed. Gemma Cafarella, president of Liberty Victoria, called the proposal a "dangerous and ignorant thought bubble" developed without expert consultation. She argued that in functioning democracies, parliaments write laws and courts apply them, with clear separation between the two powers. The concern is not merely structural but fundamentally about judicial independence: if governments begin selecting judges specifically to achieve particular sentencing outcomes, the courts cease to function as an independent check on executive power. Greg Barns SC, criminal justice spokesperson for the Australian Lawyers Alliance, described the plan as "a disturbing example of the risk of undermining the independence of the judiciary." He noted there is no evidence the current court of appeal structure is failing, aside from chronic underfunding.

Tom Ballantyne, president of the Law Institute of Victoria, raised a practical objection: the court of appeal already has access to numerous judges with extensive criminal expertise, so it is unclear what the new structure would actually add. The Alliance's director, Susan Accary, said the organization was unconvinced the split would improve justice quality or address systemic delays. The underlying worry, articulated by multiple voices, is that this amounts to politicizing the courts—using structural reform as a vehicle to stack the bench with judges predisposed toward harsher sentences.

Premier Ben Carroll, responding on Sunday, dismissed the proposal as evidence the Liberal party was "floundering," questioning how an opposition could "rewrite case law overnight." The timing reflects a broader election-year focus on crime. Labor has already passed controversial "adult time for violent crime" legislation and tougher bail laws, and is undertaking a sentencing review. One Nation's Victorian leader, Warren Pickering, has separately called for making "bleeding heart judges accountable" and removing those he believes fail community expectations. As the November vote approaches, crime policy has become a central battleground, with each party attempting to position itself as tougher on offenders. The Liberal proposal represents an attempt to institutionalize that toughness through court design—a move that legal professionals warn crosses a line from policy into the dangerous territory of judicial capture.

Governments shouldn't choose judges to get the outcomes they want. This is a move that would politicise the criminal courts.
— Gemma Cafarella, president of Liberty Victoria
This is a disturbing example of the risk of undermining the independence of the judiciary. It sends a signal that the opposition is willing to interfere with judicial independence for political purposes.
— Greg Barns SC, Australian Lawyers Alliance criminal justice spokesperson
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