One person does not define state policy
En vísperas de un posible gobierno, Juntos por el Perú busca tender puentes con los sectores que más desconfían de su proyecto: los empresarios, los mercados y las instituciones técnicas del Estado. Ernesto Zunini, voz articuladora de la coalición, ofreció garantías sobre la autonomía del Banco Central y deslindó al partido de las posiciones más radicales de su aliado Antauro Humala, en un ejercicio que revela la tensión clásica entre la promesa transformadora y la prudencia del poder. La pregunta que subyace no es si el discurso es sincero, sino si el equilibrio que propone puede sostenerse cuando la realidad exija elegir.
- Las declaraciones previas de Roberto Sánchez contra el presidente del BCR habían encendido alarmas en el sector empresarial, amenazando la estabilidad monetaria como primer campo de batalla simbólico.
- La alianza con Antauro Humala, figura de retórica etnocacerista y confrontacional, actuó como un imán de desconfianza que Zunini debió neutralizar públicamente con urgencia.
- La coalición intenta desactivar el miedo a las expropiaciones trazando una línea entre revisar contratos corruptos y confiscar activos, una distinción que el mercado escucha con cautela.
- Zunini apela a Stiglitz y al déficit habitacional para justificar un Estado más activo, buscando legitimidad técnica para una agenda que va más allá del centro pero pretende no cruzar sus límites.
- El resultado es una coalición en equilibrio inestable: lo suficientemente reformista para su base, lo suficientemente moderada para no ahuyentar inversiones, sin certeza de que ese balance sobreviva al gobierno.
Ernesto Zunini, secretario general de Juntos por el Perú y virtual congresista electo por Lambayeque, compareció en el programa Enfrentados con una misión precisa: calmar los temores que rodean la candidatura de Roberto Sánchez. Su mensaje central fue que un eventual gobierno respetaría la independencia del Banco Central de Reserva y que la estabilidad monetaria sería una prioridad, no una víctima, de su proyecto político.
El contexto era incómodo. Sánchez había llamado "sinvergüenza" al presidente del BCR, Julio Velarde, durante la campaña. Zunini buscó relativizar esas palabras: la crítica respondía a declaraciones del banquero en momentos de incertidumbre económica, pero una persona no define la política de Estado. Incluso insinuó que Sánchez estaría dispuesto a reunirse con Velarde, marcando distancia entre el calor electoral y la responsabilidad de gobernar.
Otro frente delicado era Antauro Humala. Zunini fue categórico: sus opiniones son personales y no integran la plataforma oficial. Descartó que Humala ocupara el Ministerio del Interior y definió la alianza como programática, orientada a defender la democracia, no como una fusión ideológica. El mensaje al empresariado fue directo: no somos radicales ni seremos capturados por ellos.
En materia económica, Zunini rechazó las expropiaciones indiscriminadas, aunque advirtió que el gobierno revisaría contratos con indicios de corrupción. Sobre Camisea, habló de soberanía sobre los recursos naturales, pero por vías legales. Al mismo tiempo, defendió la necesidad de reformar la Constitución de 1993 para ampliar el rol del Estado en vivienda y energía, citando a Joseph Stiglitz para argumentar que los mercados tienen fallas estructurales que solo la intervención pública puede corregir.
Lo que quedó en el aire fue la pregunta inevitable: si ese equilibrio entre transformación y moderación resistirá las presiones del poder real.
Ernesto Zunini, the general secretary of Juntos por el Perú and the party's virtual elected deputy for Lambayeque, sat down on the program Enfrentados with a clear message: his coalition's presidential candidate, Roberto Sánchez, would respect the independence of Peru's Central Bank. The statement was a deliberate step back from Sánchez's earlier rhetoric, when he had called the bank's current president, Julio Velarde, a "scoundrel" during campaign speeches.
Zunini's task was to reassure. He emphasized that monetary stability would be a cornerstone of any Sánchez administration, and that the party had no intention of meddling in the Central Bank's institutional decisions. When pressed about whether Velarde would remain in his post, Zunini suggested that Sánchez would be willing to sit down with him, despite the verbal clashes that had marked the campaign trail. The criticism of Velarde, Zunini explained, had stemmed from comments the banker made that seemed unhelpful during times of economic uncertainty. But he was careful to add a distinction: one person does not define state policy. The Central Bank's technical independence would be protected to prevent the kind of currency volatility that destabilizes ordinary people's lives.
The interview also addressed the elephant in the room—Antauro Humala, the ethnocacerist leader whose alliance with Juntos por el Perú had alarmed Peru's business establishment. Zunini worked to contain the damage. Humala's statements, he said, were personal opinions and would not shape the official government platform. He flatly denied rumors that Humala would become interior minister, framing the coalition instead as a programmatic partnership focused on defending democracy rather than an ideological merger. The message was aimed squarely at the corporate sector: we are not radicals, and we will not be captured by them.
On economic policy, Zunini drew a careful line. The government would not engage in sweeping expropriations or indiscriminate nationalizations, he said. But it would review contracts that appeared corrupt or harmful to the nation's interests. On Camisea, the massive natural gas project, Zunini said the coalition wanted to ensure Peru maintained sovereignty over the resource—but through legal channels, not asset seizures. This was a distinction meant to sound reasonable: we will police wrongdoing, not confiscate property.
Yet Zunini also made clear that Juntos por el Perú intended to challenge the 1993 Constitution, which he characterized as leaving the state in a passive, subsidiary role. He pointed to Peru's housing shortage and the struggles of Petroperú as evidence that markets alone cannot solve fundamental problems. The state, in his view, needed a more active presence in sectors where private banks and market forces had failed ordinary Peruvians. He invoked Joseph Stiglitz, the Nobel Prize-winning economist, to argue that markets have structural flaws that only state intervention can address.
What emerged from the interview was a coalition trying to occupy middle ground—radical enough to appeal to its base, moderate enough to avoid frightening investors and the business class. Zunini's performance was one of careful calibration: yes to constitutional reform and state activism, no to expropriations and Central Bank interference. Whether that balance would hold once in office remained an open question.
Notable Quotes
Monetary stability would be a priority and there would be no intention to interfere in the state policies of the institution— Ernesto Zunini, on Central Bank independence
The alliance is based on programmatic points focused on defending democracy, not on radical ideology— Ernesto Zunini, distancing the coalition from Antauro Humala
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does Zunini need to distance himself from Humala at all? If they're allies, shouldn't he defend him?
Because Humala represents something that terrifies the business class—a willingness to seize assets, to overturn institutions. Zunini is trying to say: we're allies on democracy, not on radicalism. It's a political necessity.
But if Humala's positions are just "personal," why is he in the coalition?
That's the real tension. Humala brings street credibility and a base. Sánchez needs him. But Zunini has to convince bankers and investors that Humala won't actually run the show.
What about the Central Bank? Is Zunini really promising to leave it alone?
He's promising respect for its autonomy and technical independence. But he's also saying the government will review contracts and push constitutional reform. That's not hands-off—it's just not direct interference in monetary policy.
So they want to change the rules of the game, just not through expropriation?
Exactly. They want the state to play a bigger role in housing, energy, basic services. But they're saying it will happen through law and negotiation, not confiscation. Whether that's credible depends on who you ask.
What happens if Velarde stays and the coalition wants to expand state power?
That's where the real friction will emerge. A Central Bank president protecting monetary stability and a government pushing for state activism don't always align. Zunini is betting they can coexist. Time will tell.