US military plans first public execution livestream in 90 years, reviving grim historical parallels

Nidal Hasan killed 13 unarmed fellow soldiers in 2009 at Fort Hood military base; he will be executed by firing squad.
A public execution is not who we are. It's not who we aspire to be.
A UC Berkeley researcher on why the Pentagon's decision to livestream an execution troubles scholars and religious leaders.
Mark

Why does the Pentagon think livestreaming an execution is a good idea? What's the actual reasoning?

Mimi

Hegseth said it's about consequences—making clear there are serious costs for what Hasan did. But scholars say that logic doesn't hold up. The death penalty already exists as a consequence. Livestreaming adds an audience, which changes the nature of the act entirely.

Luke

Right, but we should be careful here. We know what Hegseth said. We don't actually know what internal Pentagon discussions looked like or whether there's a fuller strategic rationale we're not seeing.

Mark

The comparison to 1936 keeps coming up. Is that fair? Are these situations actually comparable?

Mimi

The parallel is about public spectacle around execution, yes. But Bethea's execution was explicitly a racial lynching dressed up in legal form. Hasan's case is different—he was court-martialed, convicted through military justice. The comparison is about the *form* of public killing, not the identical context.

Luke

And that matters. The historical echo is real and worth naming, but we shouldn't collapse the two cases into equivalence. They're different crimes, different legal processes, different eras.

Mark

So why are religious leaders and academics so alarmed if the legal process was legitimate?

Mimi

Because they're saying the legitimacy of the verdict doesn't justify turning the execution itself into a broadcast event. Justice and entertainment are different things. Once you livestream it, millions of people tune in not as a civic duty but as viewers. That's the shift they're objecting to.

Luke

Though we should note: we don't actually know yet how many people will watch, or what they'll think. The article says "it's nearly certain that millions or more will tune in," but that's an inference, not confirmed data.

Mark

What does the polling actually show about where Americans stand on this?

Mimi

Support for capital punishment has dropped significantly—from eighty percent in 1994 to fifty-two percent now. When people are offered life without parole as an alternative, support drops further. So on paper, most Americans don't favor the death penalty at all.

Luke

But that's general support for capital punishment. We don't have polling on whether Americans support *livestreaming* an execution. That's a different question, and the article doesn't claim to have that data.

  • The Pentagon's announcement that Nidal Hasan's execution will be livestreamed has stunned legal scholars and ethicists, who say it marks a rupture with nearly a century of deliberate retreat from public state killing.
  • Researchers and religious leaders warn the decision misreads the national mood — support for the death penalty has dropped from 80% to 52% since 1994, and a U.S. Catholic Bishops chair called the livestream plan outright barbaric.
  • Historians point to the 1936 Owensboro hanging — where twenty thousand gathered, teenagers sold popcorn, and 'necktie parties' preceded the gallows — as a cautionary precedent that so disturbed Kentucky's governor he banned public executions within two years.
  • Social psychologists suggest political polarization may have created an opening for the announcement, with some Americans welcoming it and others having grown quietly desensitized to the escalation of harsh public rhetoric.
  • The execution has not yet occurred, leaving unresolved the central question: how millions of Americans will actually respond when the moment arrives, and what that response will reveal about the country they inhabit.

Ninety years after America quietly closed the door on public executions — disturbed by the carnival that surrounded Rainey Bethea's 1936 hanging — the Pentagon has announced it will livestream the firing squad execution of Fort Hood shooter Nidal Hasan, reopening a chapter many believed permanently shut. The decision arrives at a moment when public support for capital punishment has fallen to its lowest point in decades, and when scholars, clergy, and ethicists warn that broadcasting state killing risks transforming justice into spectacle. What a society chooses to witness — and how it chooses to witness it — has always been a mirror held up to its deepest values, and America is now being asked to look.

In August 1936, twenty thousand people gathered on a Kentucky riverfront to watch Rainey Bethea hang — some sleeping overnight near the gallows, others arriving after parties where teenagers sold popcorn to the crowd. The spectacle so disturbed Kentucky's leadership that the governor outlawed public executions eighteen months later. Most states had already moved in the same direction, reflecting a broader American conviction that justice and human dignity required privacy, not performance. That was the last widely publicized public execution in the United States.

Ninety years later, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced that the military would execute Nidal Hasan — who killed thirteen unarmed soldiers at Fort Hood in 2009 — by firing squad, and that the execution would be livestreamed. The announcement landed like a disruption of settled history. Michael Radelet, a University of Colorado professor who has spent decades studying capital punishment, told the BBC he never imagined another public execution. He worried the justification had quietly shifted from justice to entertainment — "bring your popcorn, invite your friends."

Sonya Lea, whose book on the Bethea execution had just been published, described feeling absolute horror. Her own grandparents had stood in that 1936 Owensboro crowd — close enough, she later discovered, to hear Bethea's neck snap. Years of research had shown her how many Kentuckians remained haunted by what they witnessed. "What they called it in 1936 was a carnival of sadism," she said, adding that the technology to broadcast it globally only made the prospect more disturbing. She had believed America had left such practices behind — practices now associated primarily with Iran, North Korea, and Afghanistan.

Criticism came from multiple directions. The chair of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops called the plan barbaric. Vice President JD Vance said he would not watch. Researchers pointed to survey data showing declining American appetite for public violence. Yet social psychologist Kurt Gray suggested that polarization may have created genuine space for the announcement — some Americans welcoming it, others simply desensitized to where the country's rhetoric had arrived. President Trump confirmed his approval without committing to watch: "I really don't care how he goes as long as he goes."

What remains open is how the country will actually respond when the livestream begins — and what that response will say about the nation doing the watching.

On a sweltering August morning in 1936, twenty thousand people gathered on a Kentucky riverfront to watch a man die. They had come from across the region—some sleeping overnight near the gallows to secure their spots, others arriving hungover after "necktie" parties the night before, where teenagers sold popcorn and soda to the assembling crowd. By 5 a.m., when Rainey Bethea, an orphan in his twenties, was led to the gallows, the spectacle had drawn press from Chicago and New York. He had been convicted of robbing, raping, and killing a seventy-year-old woman named Lischia Edwards. The previous afternoon, he had eaten his final meal: fried chicken, pork chops, mashed potatoes, pickled cucumbers, cornbread, lemon pie, and ice cream. That execution in Owensboro marked the last widely publicized public hanging in America. The circus surrounding Bethea's death so disturbed Kentucky's leadership that the governor outlawed public executions eighteen months later. By then, most states had already moved toward private executions, reflecting a broader shift in how Americans thought about justice and human dignity.

Ninety years passed. Capital punishment itself became increasingly contested. Public support for the death penalty fell from eighty percent in 1994 to fifty-two percent today, particularly when people were offered the alternative of life imprisonment without parole. America had, in effect, turned away from the spectacle of state killing. Then, in October 2026, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced that the military would execute Nidal Hasan, who killed thirteen unarmed soldiers at Fort Hood in Texas in 2009, by firing squad. The Pentagon added a detail that stopped scholars and ethicists cold: the execution would be livestreamed.

"People need to understand that there's serious consequences for these types of things," Hegseth said by way of justification. Michael Radelet, a University of Colorado professor emeritus who has spent decades studying capital punishment, told the BBC he was stunned. "I never imagined another public execution," he said. The livestream announcement seemed to him a fundamental misreading of where the country stood. Radelet worried aloud that the justification for executing Hasan had shifted from justice to entertainment—"bring your popcorn, invite your friends."

Sonya Lea, who published a book about Bethea's execution just the year before, felt what she described as absolute horror. Her own grandparents had been teenage newlyweds in that 1936 crowd in Owensboro; she only learned this after her grandmother died in 2002, when she found an account her grandmother had written detailing how close they stood to the gallows, close enough to hear Bethea's neck snap. Years of research into that execution had shown her how many Kentuckians remained haunted by it. "What they called it in 1936 was a carnival of sadism," Lea said. "That we now have the technology that can make it go wider than the twenty thousand people who showed up to witness in Owensboro, Kentucky, it just makes it even more horrific." She added that she had believed America had left such practices behind—practices now associated primarily with Iran, North Korea, and Afghanistan.

Other voices joined the criticism. The chair of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops called the livestream announcement barbaric. Vice President JD Vance, himself a Catholic, said he would not watch. Garen Wintemute, director of the Violence Prevention Research Program at UC Berkeley, pointed to survey data showing a declining appetite for violence in America. "A public execution is not who we are," he said. "It's not who we aspire to be as a country."

Yet Kurt Gray, a social psychology professor at Ohio State, offered a different reading of American sentiment. He suggested that polarization and harsh rhetoric in contemporary politics may have created space for such an announcement. Some Americans might welcome it, he said, while others had perhaps grown desensitized—not cheering the execution so much as accepting it as simply where the country had arrived. President Trump, when asked if he would watch, dodged the question but confirmed he approved the decision. "I really don't care how he goes as long as he goes," Trump said. "And I think that the death penalty is a very worthy way of going for him."

What remains uncertain is how millions of Americans will actually respond when the livestream begins. The Pentagon's decision to broadcast Hasan's execution has reopened a chapter many believed closed—one that raises fundamental questions about what a democracy chooses to watch, and what that choice says about the nation watching.

The justification for the death penalty becomes entertainment—bring your popcorn, invite your friends.
— Michael Radelet, University of Colorado professor emeritus on capital punishment
What they called it in 1936 was a carnival of sadism. That we now have the technology that can make it go wider than the twenty thousand people who showed up to witness in Owensboro, Kentucky, it just makes it even more horrific.
— Sonya Lea, author of a book about the 1936 Rainey Bethea execution
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