In the eastern Pacific, the United States military has continued a campaign of lethal strikes against vessels it identifies as drug-trafficking operations, killing two more people and bringing the total death toll to 223 since September 2025. The operation unfolds in a space where the language of war on drugs meets the silence of due process — no evidence presented, no trial held, no survivors rescued. As the campaign expands toward land operations across Latin America, it raises one of the oldest questions in the human story: whether the pursuit of order, when stripped of accountability, beco
US kills two in Pacific vessel strike, marking latest in controversial drug-war campaign
If the boat was carrying cocaine, where is the evidence?
Why is the US military striking boats in the Pacific if most drugs come through Mexico by land?
That's the central tension. The administration frames this as a war on narco-terrorism, but the geography doesn't match the threat. Fentanyl—the drug killing Americans—moves overland. These strikes target a smaller trafficking route, which raises the question of whether the campaign is actually about drug interdiction or something else.
What bothers you most about the reporting here?
The absence of evidence. SouthCom announces strikes, releases a video, declares victory—but never shows proof the boats were carrying drugs. Two people are dead, and we have their word for what those people were doing. That gap is where the legal and moral questions live.
The investigation found fishers among the dead. How does that happen?
Fear. When communities don't know if they'll be bombed for being on the water, they stop fishing. Some of the people killed may have simply been in the wrong place. Others were likely fishers. The investigation couldn't prove involvement in trafficking for any of the thirteen victims they identified.
Only three survivors rescued out of 28. What does that number mean?
It means most people in the water after these strikes are left behind. Either they drown, or they're never found. The military launched over twenty search and rescue operations and almost all failed. The survivors who were rescued—one went to Costa Rica, two were sent home to Ecuador and Colombia. But 25 others? We don't know what happened to them.
The Pentagon's watchdog is investigating. Does that matter?
Only partially. The inspector general will look at whether the military followed its targeting procedures—the technical steps. But not whether those procedures are legal or whether the strikes should be happening at all. It's an audit of process, not principle.
What's the Trump administration doing now?
Expanding. They're negotiating with Latin American countries to bring the campaign onto land. Guatemala denied one such agreement, but the intent is clear: they want to scale this up, move beyond boats, and operate across multiple countries with local partners.
El Pulso
- The US military has now killed 223 people across 67 Pacific strikes in under a year, with the latest attack claiming two more lives whose connection to drug trafficking was never demonstrated.
- The United Nations and humanitarian groups are condemning the strikes as extrajudicial executions, while a Pentagon watchdog investigation focuses only on procedural compliance — not on whether the killings are legal at all.
- Of 28 survivors identified across the entire campaign, only three have ever been rescued; the very first strike's survivors were killed in a deliberate follow-up attack, alarming lawmakers and military law experts.
- Investigative journalists identified thirteen previously unknown victims, several of them fishers from impoverished communities, and found that fear of airstrikes had driven coastal communities to stop fishing — threatening food security across the region.
- The campaign's strategic logic is also under scrutiny: experts note that fast boats in the Caribbean account for just 8 percent of Pacific cocaine flows, while fentanyl — the drug driving most overdose deaths — arrives overland from Mexico, untouched by these strikes.
In the eastern Pacific, the United States military has continued a campaign of lethal strikes against vessels it identifies as drug-trafficking operations, killing two more people and bringing the total death toll to 223 since September 2025. The operation unfolds in a space where the language of war on drugs meets the silence of due process — no evidence presented, no trial held, no survivors rescued. As the campaign expands toward land operations across Latin America, it raises one of the oldest questions in the human story: whether the pursuit of order, when stripped of accountability, becomes its own form of disorder.
On Monday, the US military struck a vessel in the eastern Pacific, killing two people in what Southern Command described as a counternarcotics operation against drug traffickers. The command released pixelated footage of the strike and declared it a success — but offered no evidence that the vessel carried drugs or that those killed were involved in trafficking.
The strike brings the campaign's total to 223 deaths across 67 operations since September 2025. General Francis L. Donovan has framed the effort as imposing "total systemic friction" on cartels, but the absence of evidentiary standards has drawn sharp condemnation from the United Nations and humanitarian organizations, who call the strikes extrajudicial killings. The Pentagon's inspector general is reviewing targeting procedures, though the inquiry is limited to process — not to the fundamental question of legality.
The human cost reaches beyond the dead. Of 28 survivors identified across the campaign, only three have been rescued. The very first strike left two survivors who were killed in a follow-up attack — an act the White House called self-defense. An investigation by the Latin American Center for Investigative Journalism uncovered thirteen previously unidentified victims, several of them fishers with no apparent link to trafficking. Fear of airstrikes has led some coastal communities to stop fishing entirely, threatening local food security.
The campaign's effectiveness is also in doubt. Experts note that fast boats account for only 8 percent of cocaine entering the US through the Pacific, while fentanyl — responsible for most overdose deaths — travels overland from Mexico. Meanwhile, the Trump administration is pushing to expand operations onto land, with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announcing joint military agreements with Colombia, Guatemala, and Honduras — though Guatemala later denied any such agreement had been reached.
"If the boat was carrying so much cocaine and then exploded and caught fire, where is the evidence?" asked Titus, brother of Ricky Joseph, a St. Lucian fisherman killed in one of the strikes. "I know Ricky. He was a fisherman. That was his life."
On Monday, the US military struck a vessel moving through the eastern Pacific, killing two people. The operation, announced by US Southern Command, was described as targeting individuals involved in drug trafficking along known smuggling routes. The command released a pixelated video showing the moment of impact—a bright flash erupting across dark water—and declared the strike a success in what it calls a campaign against narco-terrorists.
This latest attack brings the total death toll to 223 people across 67 strikes since the campaign began in early September 2025. Southern Command says it has destroyed 64 speedboats, three low-profile vessels, and one semisubmersible craft. General Francis L Donovan, the command's leader, framed the operation as evidence of precision and resolve, stating the military remains committed to imposing what he called total systemic friction on drug traffickers and dismantling cartel operations across the region. Yet the command offered no evidence that the vessel was actually carrying drugs or that the two people killed were involved in trafficking.
The strikes have generated significant controversy. The United Nations and humanitarian organizations have condemned them as extrajudicial killings—executions without legal process or trial. The Pentagon's inspector general announced in May that it would examine whether the military followed established targeting procedures, though the evaluation would focus narrowly on procedural compliance rather than the legality of the strikes themselves. Meanwhile, the Trump administration is pursuing agreements with allied nations to expand the campaign onto land, with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announcing during a visit to Panama that Colombia, Guatemala, and Honduras had agreed to joint military operations against criminal groups. Guatemala later denied reaching such an agreement.
The human toll extends beyond the dead. More than twenty search and rescue efforts have been launched following the strikes, but nearly all have failed. Of 28 survivors identified, only three have ever been rescued—one transferred to the Costa Rican Coast Guard in March, and two wounded individuals repatriated to Ecuador and Colombia. The very first strike in September 2025 left two survivors who were killed in a follow-up attack, prompting concern from lawmakers and military law experts. The White House defended the second strike as necessary self-defense.
An investigation by the Latin American Center for Investigative Journalism identified thirteen previously unknown victims of the campaign. All came from impoverished communities; several were fishers with no apparent connection to drug trafficking. The investigation found that fear of airstrikes had caused some communities to stop fishing for weeks at a time, threatening food security. Titus, the brother of Ricky Joseph—a fisherman killed in one of the strikes—spoke from St Lucia in June, questioning the evidence. "If the boat was carrying so much cocaine and then exploded and caught fire, where is the evidence? Where is the cocaine?" he asked. "I know Ricky. He was a fisherman. That was his life."
Critics have also questioned whether the campaign is effective at all. According to a 2020 Drug Enforcement Administration report, 74 percent of cocaine reaching the US arrives through the Pacific, yet only 8 percent comes from fast boats in the Caribbean. The real problem, experts note, lies elsewhere: fentanyl, which drives many overdose deaths, is typically trafficked overland from Mexico, produced there with chemicals imported from China and India. The boat strikes, in other words, target a fraction of the drug flow while raising serious questions about legality, evidence, and the lives of those caught in the campaign's path.
Citas Notables
If the boat was carrying so much cocaine and then exploded and caught fire, where is the evidence? Where is the cocaine? I know Ricky. He was a fisherman. That was his life.— Titus, brother of Ricky Joseph, a fisherman killed in a US strike
There are communities where they stopped fishing for several weeks – and if they do that, people go hungry – because they were terrified of being bombed.— María Teresa Ronderos, director of the Latin American Center for Investigative Journalism