In the long arc of human displacement and refuge, the United States has begun sending more than 500 people — individuals its own legal system deemed too endangered to return home — to African nations where they have no roots, no language, no kin, and no claim to protection. Documented by Human Rights Watch in October 2026, this practice strips asylum seekers of the right to contest their removal, depositing them in countries that may then send them onward to the very dangers they originally fled. It is a policy designed, by the admission of a U.S. official, not merely to remove people but to f
US Deports 500+ to African Nations Where They Have No Ties, HRW Reports
The point is to scare people into leaving before deportation.
So the basic fact here is that the U.S. is sending people to countries they've never been to. But why? What's the legal theory that allows this?
The administration argues these are "third-country removals"—they're saying if you can't be deported to your home country because you'd face torture or persecution, we can send you somewhere else instead. But the people being sent have no ties to these places, no legal status there, and the receiving countries often lack any real asylum system.
Right, but I want to be clear about what's actually happening versus what's claimed. The report says over 500 people were sent. That's documented. But the interviews were with 24 people. So we're extrapolating the conditions from a smaller sample. That's still meaningful—it's not nothing—but it's important to know we're not hearing from everyone.
And the people being sent—they've already been determined to need protection, right? They didn't just lose their asylum cases?
Exactly. Many had been granted withholding of removal or other protections that specifically said they couldn't go back because of torture risk. The Ethiopian man in the story had a judge's order protecting him from return to Ethiopia. But the administration sent him to Cameroon anyway, and then Cameroon sent him back toward Ethiopia.
That's the nonrefoulement violation. That's a real legal claim. But I should note: the report says "some have sent people onward"—not all of them. We don't have a complete picture of how many people in each country ended up being returned to their home countries versus how many stayed.
What about the LGBT people? That seems like a particularly stark violation.
At least a dozen LGBT people were deported to countries where same-sex relations are criminalized. Many had been granted asylum specifically because they faced persecution based on sexual orientation or gender identity. So the U.S. essentially said: we recognize you need protection from persecution for being gay, and then sent you to a place where being gay is a crime.
The report names six countries. But I want to know: does every one of those six criminalize same-sex relations? The report doesn't explicitly say. It says "African states that criminalize same-sex relations," plural, but it doesn't break down which ones received which people. That's a gap in the reporting.
And the shackling during flights—that's documented?
Yes, multiple people described it. Eighteen hours or more, chained at legs, hands, and torso. Unable to stand or use the bathroom without remaining shackled. That's consistent across accounts.
Those are direct quotes from interviews, so we have those on record. The question is scale—how many of the 500 experienced this? We know it happened; we don't know if it was universal or specific to certain flights.
What happens next? Is there any legal recourse?
The Supreme Court is hearing arguments in December about whether the policy violates the Constitution. But the Court has allowed it to continue for now. So people are still being deported while the legal challenge is pending.
And that's important context: this isn't settled law yet. The administration is operating under the theory that this is legal, but the highest court hasn't ruled. We're in a moment of legal uncertainty, and people are being moved while that uncertainty exists.
Der Puls
- Over 500 people — including LGBT refugees granted U.S. protection — have been flown to African countries they have never lived in, often shackled for 18-hour flights with no explanation of their destination.
- A U.S. official openly told the Senate the policy's purpose was 'to scare people,' framing third-country deportation as a deliberate weapon of deterrence rather than a lawful immigration procedure.
- An Ethiopian man with a legal finding protecting him from torture had a departure form signed by an ICE agent without his consent, then was chained at legs, hands, and torso and sent to Cameroon, where he continues to refuse repatriation to avoid death.
- Several receiving African governments have compounded the harm by arbitrarily detaining deportees, denying them medical care, and in some cases transferring them onward to the home countries they originally fled — violating the international principle of nonrefoulement.
- The U.S. Supreme Court is set to hear arguments in December 2026 on whether the policy breaches constitutional due process and anti-torture statutes, but deportations continue in the interim as the human toll accumulates.
In the long arc of human displacement and refuge, the United States has begun sending more than 500 people — individuals its own legal system deemed too endangered to return home — to African nations where they have no roots, no language, no kin, and no claim to protection. Documented by Human Rights Watch in October 2026, this practice strips asylum seekers of the right to contest their removal, depositing them in countries that may then send them onward to the very dangers they originally fled. It is a policy designed, by the admission of a U.S. official, not merely to remove people but to frighten them — a use of geographic exile as instrument of deterrence that tests the outer boundaries of both constitutional law and the international compact on human dignity.
In October 2026, Human Rights Watch released a 125-page report documenting a systematic U.S. practice of deporting asylum seekers to African countries where they have no ties — no family, no legal standing, no history. More than 500 people, all of whom American immigration authorities had determined could not safely return to their own nations, were sent to six countries: Cameroon, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eswatini, and South Sudan. Researchers interviewed 24 of them, and the accounts were consistent: long flights in shackles, little information about their destination, and arrival in countries unprepared or unwilling to offer protection.
Among the deported were at least a dozen LGBT individuals who had received U.S. asylum specifically because they faced persecution at home based on their identity. They were then sent to African states where same-sex relations are criminalized, leaving them stranded between a home country that would persecute them and a receiving country that offered no safety. One Ethiopian man, who held a legal determination that he could not be returned to Ethiopia without facing torture, had a voluntary departure form signed by an ICE agent without his knowledge. He arrived in Cameroon chained at the legs, hands, and torso. When aid workers repeatedly asked if he wanted to go home, he gave the same answer each time: 'I don't want to die.'
The policy's cruelty was not incidental. A U.S. official told the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations that the purpose of sending people to places like Eswatini was 'to scare people' — to threaten migrants with being 'dropped in the middle of nowhere' as a tool of mass deterrence. Several of the receiving African governments deepened the harm by detaining deportees arbitrarily, denying medical care, and in some cases transferring them onward to the very countries they had fled, in direct violation of the international prohibition on refoulement.
Human Rights Watch called on African governments to terminate their agreements with the United States, arguing those agreements make them complicit in the denial of due process and, in some cases, in direct human rights violations. The U.S. Supreme Court is scheduled to hear arguments in December 2026 on whether the policy violates constitutional due process protections and statutory prohibitions on returning people to torture. For now, the deportations continue — and the people already sent away remain stranded, with no legal recourse and no safe direction to turn.
The United States has deported more than 500 people to African countries where they have never lived and have no family, friends, or legal standing—people whom American immigration authorities themselves determined could not safely return to their own nations. Human Rights Watch documented this practice in a 125-page report released in October 2026, finding that the Trump administration systematically denied these individuals any meaningful opportunity to challenge their removal to these third countries, in violation of both domestic law and international treaty obligations.
The deportations involved six African nations: Cameroon, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eswatini, and South Sudan. Researchers conducted interviews with 24 people who had been transferred between February and July 2026, piecing together accounts of what happened to them after they were put on planes from the United States. The pattern that emerged was consistent: people were shackled during flights lasting 18 hours or more, given little information about where they were being sent, and upon arrival found themselves in countries with no capacity or willingness to provide them asylum protection.
Among those deported were at least a dozen people who identified as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. Many had been granted asylum or other protection in the United States precisely because they faced persecution in their home countries based on their sexual orientation or gender identity. The Trump administration then sent them to African states where same-sex relations are criminalized. These individuals found themselves trapped: it was neither safe to return home nor possible to obtain protection in the country where they had been abandoned.
One Ethiopian man, 35 years old, had been imprisoned and tortured in his home country before fleeing to the United States. An immigration judge determined he could not be returned to Ethiopia because he would face torture there—a legal finding that should have protected him. Yet when he refused to sign a voluntary departure form to Chad, an ICE agent signed it without his consent. On the flight, he was chained at the legs, hands, and torso for hours, unable to stand or use the bathroom without remaining shackled. After arriving in Cameroon, representatives from the International Organization for Migration repeatedly asked him if he wanted to return home. "Every time I tell them, 'I'm not going. Stop asking me that. I don't want to die,'" he told Human Rights Watch in March 2026.
The conditions in the receiving countries varied, but the outcomes were often grim. Some people were arbitrarily detained upon arrival. Many were denied access to medications for serious medical conditions. Several African governments, having accepted these deportees under agreements with the United States, subsequently sent them onward to their home countries—the very places they had fled—in direct violation of the international principle of nonrefoulement, which prohibits returning people to places where they face persecution or torture.
An unnamed U.S. official explained the policy's intent to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations with stark clarity: the purpose of sending people to countries like Eswatini or Palau was "to scare people." The official said the administration could "threaten people that they will literally be dropped in the middle of nowhere." This was not an accidental consequence of bureaucratic dysfunction. It was the stated design. The threat of third-country removal has been weaponized as part of the broader mass deportation agenda, used to frighten migrants into leaving voluntarily before they could be caught in the machinery of detention and removal to unknown destinations.
Michael Garcia Bochenek, interim U.S. program director at Human Rights Watch, called on the African governments to terminate or suspend their agreements with the United States. "Because the US government uses these agreements to shirk its responsibilities and to deprive people of their due process rights, the African governments that have entered into these agreements should terminate or suspend them," he said. He also criticized the receiving countries themselves for their role in the abuse: "Several of these African governments are not only complicit in US abuses but have violated the human rights of these deported people themselves, including with arbitrary detention and in some cases sending them back to countries where they fled danger."
The U.S. Supreme Court is scheduled to hear arguments in December 2026 on whether the third-country removal policy violates the Due Process Clause of the Constitution or statutory prohibitions against removing people to the risk of torture. For now, the Court has allowed the government to continue the deportations. The question of whether this practice can survive constitutional scrutiny remains open, but the human consequences are already written in the accounts of people stranded in countries they never chose, facing dangers they fled, with no legal recourse and no way home.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
Deporting people to countries where they have never set foot is part of a US policy designed to cause human suffering as a means to deter migration.— Michael Garcia Bochenek, interim U.S. program director at Human Rights Watch
The point is to scare people. With countries like Palau or Eswatini, the Administration can threaten people that they will literally be dropped in the middle of nowhere.— Unnamed U.S. official to Senate Committee on Foreign Relations