UK judges seek terrorist sentencing for Palestine activists convicted of bank damage

Five activists face lengthy custodial sentences and 15-year terrorist notification requirements if convicted under terrorism provisions, restricting their freedoms post-release.
Sentenced as terrorists for red paint and splintered windows
Mohammed Malik's response to prosecutors seeking terrorism sentencing for property damage never charged as terrorism.
Mark

Why would a judge consider terrorism charges that were never brought at trial?

Mimi

Because the law allows judges to find a "terrorist connection" after conviction, based on evidence that emerges during the trial itself. The jury convicted them of criminal damage. The judge then looks at the context—their group affiliation, their stated motivations—and decides whether that context makes the offense terrorism.

Mark

But the defendants didn't know this was being considered?

Mimi

No. Neither the jury nor the defendants were told beforehand that terrorism sentencing was a possibility. It only came up after the verdict. That's what makes this so unusual—you're tried for one thing, convicted of that thing, and then sentenced under a different legal framework entirely.

Mark

Is there precedent for this?

Mimi

Yes, and that's the problem. Another judge did exactly this four weeks earlier with activists who damaged an Elbit factory. That case is now being used as the template for this one. Once one judge does it, others follow.

Mark

What changes if they're sentenced as terrorists rather than for simple property damage?

Mimi

Everything. They serve two-thirds of their sentence before parole eligibility instead of the normal calculation. They're monitored for 15 years after release. And to get out early, they have to renounce their political beliefs. It's not just a longer sentence—it's a different kind of punishment.

Mark

Why are climate activists who caused similar damage not being treated this way?

Mimi

That's the question everyone's asking. Extinction Rebellion broke windows at the same bank and caused more damage. They got suspended sentences. The difference seems to be the political content of the protest—Gaza, Israel, weapons manufacturing. That's what worries civil liberties lawyers.

Mark

What happens next?

Mimi

Sentencing is September 4. If the judge follows the precedent, these five will become the second group of activists sentenced as terrorists for property damage. That will likely trigger more cases, more challenges in court, and possibly a broader reckoning about what counter-terrorism law is actually for.

  • Five people convicted of property damage now face terrorism sentencing — a designation never raised at trial, never put to the jury, and never charged against them.
  • A precedent set just weeks earlier in a separate Palestine Action case has become the template, with the judge explicitly importing that reasoning into this proceeding.
  • The Crown Prosecution Service, which brought no terrorism charges during trial, is now arguing the defendants' own words — describing their affiliation and campaign — constitute evidence of a terrorist connection.
  • If the terrorism provisions apply, the five face serving two-thirds of their sentence before parole eligibility, plus 15 years of notification requirements and pressure to renounce their political beliefs to gain release.
  • The contrast is stark: seven Extinction Rebellion activists who caused comparable damage to the same bank in 2023 received suspended sentences with no terrorism finding, prompting questions about whether political content is driving legal outcomes.
  • Sentencing is set for September 4, and rights groups warn the decision could open a floodgate — making counter-terrorism law a routine instrument against any protest movement the state finds inconvenient.

In a Burnley courtroom, five activists who threw paint and broke windows at a Barclays Bank branch now face the possibility of being sentenced as terrorists — not because they were charged with terrorism, nor because a jury weighed such a finding, but because a judge may apply that designation after the fact. The case follows a precedent set weeks earlier against Palestine Action members who raided an Elbit factory, and it raises a question that echoes far beyond these five individuals: when the law's most severe categories are applied to political protest, what remains of the boundary between dissent and crime? The answer, civil liberties advocates warn, may reshape the landscape of permissible opposition in Britain for years to come.

Five Palestine Action activists — Brendon O'Hagan, Amanda Kelly, Humeera Atiqnisar, Mohammed Malik, and Alma Yaniv — were convicted of causing £212,000 in damage to a Barclays Bank branch in Burnley, targeting the bank over its shareholding in Elbit Systems, an Israeli weapons manufacturer. A jury found them guilty of criminal damage. What follows has alarmed civil liberties advocates: Judge Philip Parry has signaled his intention to sentence them under terrorism legislation, a step that was never raised before or during trial and never put to the jury.

The move mirrors a precedent set weeks earlier, when Mr Justice Johnson ruled that four Palestine Action activists who raided an Elbit factory near Bristol had committed offenses with a "terrorist connection" — a finding issued after the verdict, not before it. Parry has attached Johnson's reasoning to his own case and invited legal arguments on whether the Burnley protest qualifies similarly. The Crown Prosecution Service, which brought no terrorism charges at trial, now argues that the defendants' own admissions — describing their Palestine Action affiliation and the protest as part of a broader campaign — constitute sufficient evidence of that connection.

The consequences of such a finding are severe. The five would be required to serve at least two-thirds of their sentence before parole eligibility, face 15 years of terrorist notification requirements upon release, and would be expected to renounce their political views to secure parole. Mohammed Malik called the move an attempt to "persecute political dissent" through counter-terrorism law. Huda Ammori, a Palestine Action co-founder, described it as "the floodgates flowing" from the Filton decision.

The disparity in outcomes has sharpened the controversy. Seven Extinction Rebellion activists who broke windows at Barclays' London headquarters in 2023, causing over £100,000 in damage, received suspended sentences with no terrorism finding. Labour MP John McDonnell called the practice "fundamentally unjust," arguing it appeared designed to silence protest against the war in Gaza. Liberty's director Akiko Hart said the case revealed deep flaws in counter-terrorism law that sweep in activity most people would never recognize as terrorism. Sentencing is scheduled for September 4.

Five activists are facing sentencing as terrorists for breaking windows and throwing red paint at a Barclays Bank branch in Burnley last August. Brendon O'Hagan, 28; Amanda Kelly, 31; Humeera Atiqnisar, 31; Mohammed Malik, 28; and Alma Yaniv, 70, were convicted of causing £212,000 in damage during a direct action protest targeting the bank because it held shares in Elbit Systems, an Israeli weapons manufacturer. The jury found them guilty of criminal damage. What comes next is what has alarmed civil liberties advocates: the judge, Philip Parry, has signaled his intention to sentence them under terrorism legislation—a possibility that was never raised before trial, never presented to the jury, and never charged against them.

This move follows a precedent set just weeks earlier by another judge. Four other Palestine Action activists were convicted of property damage during a raid on an Elbit factory near Bristol and were subsequently deemed by Mr Justice Johnson to have committed offenses with a "terrorist connection." That judgment, which Johnson issued after the verdict rather than before it, has now become the template. Parry has attached Johnson's reasoning to his own case file and asked lawyers to submit arguments on whether the Barclays protest similarly qualifies as terrorism under the law.

The Crown Prosecution Service, which did not raise terrorism charges during the trial, is now arguing that the defendants should be sentenced as terrorists. According to reporting on the CPS position, prosecutors contend that evidence of a terrorist connection only emerged from admissions made by the defendants themselves—specifically their affiliation with Palestine Action and their description of the protest as part of a broader campaign against the bank. The bank protest occurred before Palestine Action was designated a terrorist organization and was not assessed by the Home Office as a terrorism incident at the time.

Mohammed Malik responded with sharp criticism. "The judge and the CPS are now seeking to sentence us as terrorists for red paint and a few splintered windows," he said. "This goes far beyond the charges before the court and raises serious concerns about the increasing use of counter-terrorism legislation to persecute political dissent." He pointed to the Filton precedent as evidence of a dangerous trajectory. Huda Ammori, a co-founder of Palestine Action, described the situation as "the floodgates flowing" from Johnson's decision.

The implications of a terrorism sentence are severe. If convicted under terrorism provisions, the five would be required to serve at least two-thirds of their prison term before becoming eligible for parole—significantly longer than standard sentencing. Upon release, they would face 15 years of terrorist notification requirements, meaning they must inform police of any new device, relationship, bank account, or address change. More strikingly, to obtain parole they would be expected to renounce their political views. The Filton activists, sentenced under the same framework, received lengthy custodial sentences and are now subject to these restrictions.

Human rights organizations have raised alarm. Akiko Hart, director of Liberty, said the case exposed "the deep flaws in the UK's counter-terror laws which capture activity most people would never consider terrorism." Labour MP John McDonnell, the former shadow chancellor, called the practice fundamentally unjust: "Trying direct-action protesters under criminal law but then sentencing them under terrorist legislation cannot be seen in any way as fair or just. It is a practice that seems to be specifically targeted to silence the voices of people speaking out against the genocide in Gaza."

The disparity in how similar offenses are treated has not gone unnoticed. Seven Extinction Rebellion activists who caused more than £100,000 in damage by breaking windows at Barclays' London headquarters in 2023 received suspended sentences. No terrorism connection was found in their case. The difference in outcome raises questions about whether the application of counter-terrorism law is being shaped by the political content of the protest rather than the nature of the act itself. Sentencing in the Burnley case is scheduled for September 4.

The judge and the CPS are now seeking to sentence us as terrorists for red paint and a few splintered windows. This goes far beyond the charges before the court.
— Mohammed Malik, defendant
The deep flaws in the UK's counter-terror laws capture activity most people would never consider terrorism.
— Akiko Hart, director of Liberty
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