Nothing happened without orders from Fadi Saqr
In the Damascus neighbourhood of Tadamon, where nearly 300 civilians were killed in 2013 and their suffering recorded on video, the long arc of justice is beginning to bend. Syria's National Commission for Transitional Justice is now preparing a formal case against Fadi Saqr, a former militia commander accused of orchestrating mass killings and forced disappearances — a man the new government once sheltered for the sake of stability. His potential prosecution marks a pivotal moment in humanity's recurring struggle to choose accountability over expedience, and to honour the dead by refusing to let power protect those who destroyed lives.
- Survivors of the 2013 Tadamon massacres have waited over a decade for justice, their grief compounded by a new government that initially worked alongside the man they hold responsible for their suffering.
- The arrest of Amjad Youssef — caught on leaked video ordering executions — has cracked open the political calculus, forcing Syria's transitional justice commission to move against a far more powerful figure.
- Fadi Saqr insists he arrived as NDF commander only after the public killings, but unpublished footage shows militia forces under his command participating in mass killings months into his tenure.
- Syria's transitional justice commission is now gathering witness testimony in Tadamon itself, promising protection to those who come forward and signalling that no one — however strategically useful — stands above the law.
- For residents like Ahmed al-Homsi, Saqr's arrest would carry the weight of a second liberation — a symbolic reckoning that Youssef's capture alone could never provide.
In Tadamon, a Damascus neighbourhood, nearly 300 civilians were killed in 2013 by regime forces and militias. Videos of the killings — blindfolded people shot, pushed into pits, their bodies burned — became some of the most damning evidence of atrocity in Syria's civil war. For more than a decade, survivors waited. Now, with Assad's government toppled, that reckoning may finally be arriving.
Fadi Saqr, former commander of the National Defence Forces militia, is accused of orchestrating or enabling the mass killings and forced disappearances in Tadamon. Syria's National Commission for Transitional Justice is preparing a formal case against him, according to Zahra al-Barazi, the commission's deputy chair. Though appointed by the government, the commission operates independently and will refer its findings to the Syrian judiciary.
The shift represents a reversal of the new government's earlier pragmatism. After Assad's ouster in December 2024, Syria's leadership chose to work with Saqr, reasoning that his connections to the old regime could help stabilise a fragile transition. Survivors were furious. But the political cost mounted — and last week's arrest of Amjad Youssef, the man shown in leaked videos ordering executions, appears to have changed the calculus. Al-Barazi was direct: 'He was useful for certain reasons and he's no longer useful. No one is above the law.'
Saqr has denied involvement, claiming he became NDF commander two months after the public killings. But unpublished videos reviewed by the Guardian show NDF personnel under his command participating in killings as late as October 2013. Academic Uğur Ümit Üngör, who obtained the footage, described Tadamon not as a single event but a sustained process of mass killing throughout the year. Activist Ahmed al-Homsi was blunt: 'In Tadamon, nothing happened without orders from Fadi Saqr.'
For residents who lived through the atrocities, the prospect of Saqr's arrest carries weight that no lesser prosecution could match. One survivor, Maher Rahima, expressed the depth of anger at the government's earlier protection of Saqr, saying those officials would be ashamed to face themselves in a mirror had they witnessed what he witnessed. The case will test whether Syria's new institutions can deliver the accountability survivors have demanded — and whether transitional justice, properly pursued, can begin to heal wounds that have festered for over a decade.
In the Damascus neighbourhood of Tadamon, nearly 300 civilians were killed in 2013 by regime forces and militias. The videos documenting these killings—footage of blindfolded people being shot, pushed into pits, their bodies burned—became some of the most damning evidence of atrocity in Syria's civil war. For more than a decade, survivors have waited for accountability. Now, with Syria's government toppled and a new administration in place, that reckoning may finally be arriving.
Fadi Saqr, a former commander of the National Defence Forces militia, is at the centre of this moment. He is widely accused of orchestrating or enabling the mass killings and forced disappearances in Tadamon and elsewhere in the capital. Syria's National Commission for Transitional Justice is now preparing a formal case against him, according to Zahra al-Barazi, the deputy chair of the commission and an adviser in Syria's foreign ministry. The commission, though appointed by the government, operates as an independent body and will refer its findings to the Syrian judiciary, which will decide whether to prosecute.
The shift is significant because it represents a reversal of the new government's earlier pragmatism. After Bashar al-Assad was ousted in December 2024, Syria's leadership chose to work with Saqr on security matters, reasoning that his connections to remnants of the old regime could help maintain stability during a fragile transition. That decision infuriated survivors and families of the disappeared. The government justified the collaboration as a necessary balance between justice and stability. But the political cost has mounted. Last week, Syrian authorities arrested Amjad Youssef, a perpetrator whose crimes were documented in the leaked videos—the man shown ordering executions, pushing bodies into mass graves. His arrest appears to have catalysed a change in calculus.
Al-Barazi told the Guardian that evidence against Saqr is substantial. "There is absolutely enough evidence against Saqr," she said. "He was useful for certain reasons and he's no longer useful. No one is above the law." The commission has been working with victims and human rights organisations to build the case. On Tuesday, al-Barazi visited Tadamon residents, inviting them to participate in the prosecution effort and explaining how witness protection would work. She said she had encountered no resistance from the judiciary to the plans.
Saqr has denied involvement. He told the Guardian he learned of the massacre only through media reports and said he became NDF commander in June 2013, two months after the public killings. But unpublished videos reviewed by the Guardian show NDF personnel, including those under Saqr's command, participating in killings as late as October 2013—four months into his tenure. Professor Uğur Ümit Üngör, an Amsterdam-based academic who obtained the videos, said the Tadamon massacre was not a single event but a sustained process of mass killing throughout 2013 and beyond. "The NDF participated in these atrocities and Saqr, whatever his personal involvement, was part of the chain of command," Üngör said.
Ahmed al-Homsi, a 33-year-old activist with the Tadamon Coordination Committee, which documented the massacres, rejected Saqr's claims of distance from the crimes. "Amjad was just a foot soldier compared to Fadi Saqr," al-Homsi said. "In Tadamon, nothing happened without orders from Fadi Saqr, whether it was the robberies, the arrests, the disappearances or the killings. He was in control, he knew about it all." For residents of Tadamon, the prospect of Saqr's arrest carries symbolic weight far beyond Youssef's. "Fadi Saqr's arrest would be way bigger than that of Amjad Youssef," al-Homsi said. "It would be like a second liberation day."
Maher Rahima, 31, who lived through the atrocities, expressed the depth of anger at the government's earlier protection of Saqr. "If the officials of the new government had seen what I saw in Tadamon and heard the sounds of torture and smelled the burning of bodies, they would be ashamed to look at themselves in the mirror after protecting Fadi Saqr and other criminals," he said. The case against Saqr will test whether Syria's new institutions can deliver the accountability that survivors have demanded for over a decade—and whether transitional justice, properly pursued, can help heal the sectarian wounds that have festered since Assad's fall.
Notable Quotes
There is absolutely enough evidence against Saqr. He was useful for certain reasons and he's no longer useful. No one is above the law.— Zahra al-Barazi, deputy chair of Syria's National Commission for Transitional Justice
Fadi Saqr's arrest would be way bigger than that of Amjad Youssef. It would be like a second liberation day.— Ahmed al-Homsi, activist with the Tadamon Coordination Committee
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why did the new government work with Saqr at all, if he was accused of these crimes?
They needed him. After Assad fell, there were still armed remnants of the old regime causing trouble. Saqr had connections to those networks. The government made a calculation: stability first, justice later. But that calculation broke down.
What changed?
Public pressure, mainly. Survivors and families wouldn't let it go. Then Amjad Youssef's arrest happened—the man in the videos. That shifted something politically. The government realised keeping Saqr around wasn't worth the anger it was generating.
Is there actually enough evidence to convict him?
That's the question. The videos show NDF personnel under his command killing people in October 2013, months after he took over. He claims he didn't know about it. But in a chain of command, ignorance is often not a defence.
What do survivors want from this?
Acknowledgment. They want the person they say ordered the killings to face a court. For them, Youssef was the trigger man. Saqr was the one giving orders. One arrest without the other feels incomplete.
Could this actually happen? Could he be arrested?
The commission is independent, but the judiciary has to act. Al-Barazi said she's heard no resistance. But Syria's transitional justice system is still being built. There are no guarantees.
What does this mean for Syria's future?
It's a test. If accountability works—if someone from the old regime actually faces trial—it might help people move past the sectarian violence. If it fails, it deepens the sense that the powerful are untouchable.