In a Jordanian hotel, Syria and Israel sat across from one another for the first time in years, brought together by American mediation in the shadow of fresh airstrikes and a half-century-old ceasefire now in question. The collapse of Assad's government last December cracked open a regional order that had long kept these tensions frozen, and what has poured through since is a contest over who gets to shape Syria's future. Both sides arrived with grievances and conditions, and the distance between them measures not just disputed territory but the deeper question of whether a fragile new Syrian
Syria, Israel hold US-mediated talks to de-escalate after Israeli strikes
Syria feared becoming a proxy battlefield between Israel and Turkey
Why would Syria agree to talks if Israel keeps striking?
Because the alternative is worse. A new government in Damascus is trying to establish itself, and it can't do that if the country becomes a battleground between Israel and Turkey. These talks are about survival, not victory.
What does Israel actually want from Syria?
Control, mainly. They want to keep Turkish forces out of the north, keep the Golan Heights demilitarized, and maintain the ability to strike whenever they perceive a threat. The "red lines" are really about preventing Syria from becoming strong enough to challenge Israeli interests.
Did they actually agree on anything before?
Yes—on paper, earlier this year. Security zones, buffer areas, intelligence sharing. But those agreements fell apart when the US and Israel went to war with Iran in February. Everything froze.
So what's different now?
Syria is desperate. The new government is fragile. They're trying to show they can negotiate, that they're a responsible partner. Israel is using that desperation to extract more concessions.
Is there any chance this actually works?
Analysts don't think so. Israel has a pattern of escalating, not de-escalating. And Syria's core demands—Israeli withdrawal, restoration of the 1974 agreement—don't align with what Israel is willing to give. The talks might buy time, but they're unlikely to produce a real settlement.
O Pulso
- Israel has struck Syrian territory hundreds of times since Assad's fall, including a strike on the Abu Duhur airbase days before the talks, and has moved troops into a buffer zone that stood neutral for fifty years.
- Syria fears being consumed by a proxy conflict between Israel and Turkey, two powers with rival interests and a sharpening public feud playing out on Syrian soil.
- Damascus came to the table demanding a full Israeli withdrawal to pre-December 2024 lines and restoration of the 1974 disengagement agreement, while asserting its sovereign right to rebuild its military and choose its own alliances.
- Israel's delegation drew hard red lines — containing Turkish military presence, keeping the Golan demilitarized, protecting Druze communities — and made any withdrawal conditional on undefined 'diplomatic achievements.'
- Analysts warn that Syria's very willingness to negotiate may invite escalating Israeli demands rather than genuine concessions, turning dialogue into leverage.
- The talks are less a path to peace than a desperate attempt by a government barely eight months old to keep its territory from becoming a battlefield it did not choose.
In a Jordanian hotel, Syria and Israel sat across from one another for the first time in years, brought together by American mediation in the shadow of fresh airstrikes and a half-century-old ceasefire now in question. The collapse of Assad's government last December cracked open a regional order that had long kept these tensions frozen, and what has poured through since is a contest over who gets to shape Syria's future. Both sides arrived with grievances and conditions, and the distance between them measures not just disputed territory but the deeper question of whether a fragile new Syrian state can survive the competing ambitions of its more powerful neighbors.
Syria's foreign minister and Israel's intelligence chief met in Jordan on Sunday, brought together by the United States in an attempt to cool a conflict that has been building since the fall of Bashar al-Assad last December. Assad's collapse upended the region's balance and left Syria exposed to the ambitions of powers now negotiating its fate.
Asaad al-Shaibani arrived with a clear set of demands: Israel had launched hundreds of strikes on Syrian soil since December, including a strike on the Abu Duhur airbase in the northwest just days before the meeting. Israeli forces had also moved into the Golan Heights buffer zone that had been neutral ground for fifty years. Syria wanted a full withdrawal to pre-December positions and restoration of the 1974 disengagement agreement. Al-Shaibani also insisted that Syria remained a sovereign state with the right to rebuild its army and choose its alliances.
Israel's delegation, led by Mossad chief Roman Gofman, came with its own conditions: Turkish military activity in Syria must be contained, the Golan must stay demilitarized, Druze communities must be protected, and any Israeli withdrawal would depend on what they called 'diplomatic achievements.' Earlier in the year, the two sides had reportedly come close to a written agreement on security zones and UN-monitored buffers — but those understandings had not held.
Beneath the negotiations lay a deeper fear. Syria worried about becoming a proxy battlefield between Israel and Turkey, whose rivalry had grown louder since the Abu Duhur strike. Analyst Hassan Mneimneh cautioned that Israel, sensing Syria's desire to de-escalate, would likely use that opening to press for more rather than offer less. For Damascus, the talks were not really about achieving peace — they were about preventing a fragile, eight-month-old government from being torn apart by forces larger than itself.
Syria's foreign minister sat down across from Israel's intelligence chief in a hotel in Jordan on Sunday, the two sides separated by years of mistrust and weeks of fresh violence. The meeting, brokered by the United States, was meant to cool a conflict that has been heating up since the fall of Bashar al-Assad last December—a moment that upended the region's balance and left Syria vulnerable to the very powers now trying to negotiate its future.
Asaad al-Shaibani came to the table with a specific list of grievances. Israel had launched hundreds of strikes on Syrian territory since al-Assad's collapse, and just days before this meeting, warplanes had hit the Abu Duhur airbase in northwestern Syria, claiming the target was to block Turkish troops from using the facility. Syria and Turkey both denied the charge. The broader picture was grimmer: Israeli forces had moved into a demilitarized buffer zone in the Golan Heights that had been neutral ground for fifty years, and they were showing no sign of leaving. For Damascus, the immediate ask was simple—Israeli withdrawal to positions held before December 2024, and a full restoration of the 1974 disengagement agreement that had kept the two sides apart.
But Israel came with its own demands, and they were not small. According to reporting from Israeli media, the delegation led by Mossad chief Roman Gofman had drawn a series of red lines: Turkey's military presence in Syria had to be contained; the Syrian side of the Golan Heights must remain demilitarized; the Druze community in the region needed protection; and Syria could not acquire certain strategic weapons. Any Israeli withdrawal, they made clear, would be conditional on what they called "diplomatic achievements"—a phrase that left room for interpretation and leverage.
The talks themselves focused on what both sides called "practical mechanisms" to stop the strikes and targeting operations, and on reviving a security agreement that had been frozen since February, when the United States and Israel launched their war on Iran. Earlier in the year, according to al-Shaibani, the two sides had actually agreed on paper to "almost everything"—security zones in southern Syria, a buffer where only UN forces would operate. But those agreements had not held. The foreign minister stressed to the Israeli delegation that Syria was a sovereign state with the right to rebuild its army and choose its own alliances. He rejected any arrangement that would strip Damascus of those rights.
Underlying all of this was a deeper anxiety. Syria feared becoming a proxy battlefield between Israel and Turkey, two regional powers with their own rivalry and their own interests in Syrian territory. Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Erdogan had been trading sharp words since the Abu Duhur strike, and Damascus worried that if the two powers came into direct conflict on Syrian soil, the country's fragile new government would be caught in the middle. Hassan Mneimneh, a political analyst at the Middle East Institute, was skeptical that these talks would actually reduce tensions. He suggested that Israel, seeing Syria's willingness to negotiate, would likely use that opening to demand more, not less. "Now that Syria has indicated its desire to have the situation de-escalate, Israel is likely to bring in more demands," he said. From Syria's perspective, the talks were less about achieving peace and more about preventing the country from tearing itself apart—about keeping Turkish and Israeli interests from consuming what remained of Syrian sovereignty and allowing the new government, barely eight months old, to consolidate power and begin the work of rebuilding.
Citações Notáveis
Syria is a sovereign state with the full right to rebuild and develop its national army and determine its alliances in line with its national interests— Syrian delegation statement via Sana news agency
Now that Syria has indicated its desire to have the situation de-escalate, Israel is likely to bring in more demands and have the Americans basically negotiate these new demands with Syria— Hassan Mneimneh, political analyst at the Middle East Institute