Singapore's Foreign Minister Balakrishnan: Diplomacy Now Demands Domestic Alignment

Vivian Balakrishnan marked a decade as Singapore's Foreign Minister on October 1st, joining a small cohort of diplomats who have held the post for ten years. What strikes him most about the job now is not what happens in foreign capitals, but what happens at home. He has spent hundreds of parliamentary sessions—he has lost count of the exact number—explaining Singapore's foreign policy to Singaporeans. More MPs rise to question his ministry's decisions during budget debates and ministerial statements than ever did before. "In the past, I would have had very few questions in Parliament," he reflects. "Today, yesterday, or the last month, you can be on the front lines in Parliament, which means foreign policy now has domestic salience."

This shift reflects a paradox at the heart of his tenure. As the world has grown more fractured and troubled, much of Singapore's diplomatic work has turned inward. The reason is structural: Singapore is multiracial and multi-religious. When wars and conflicts erupt abroad—and they have erupted often in his decade—different communities view them through different lenses. The Gaza conflict, ignited by Hamas's October 7, 2023 attack on Israel and Israel's subsequent military response, has become one of the most heated issues in Singapore today. Some Singaporeans demand the government take a stronger stance against Israel's operations; others push for immediate recognition of Palestinian statehood. Singapore's position remains that it supports a negotiated two-state solution, though it has shifted slightly: it will recognize Palestinian statehood when there is an effective government that renounces terrorism and recognizes Israel's right to exist. Meanwhile, the government is stepping up humanitarian aid as overland routes into Gaza open. For Balakrishnan, the challenge is not to choose between these voices but to achieve what he calls "internal alignment"—to help Singaporeans understand why the government's approach serves the nation's interests even when it does not satisfy every moral impulse.

That approach rests on three pillars: maintaining national unity, protecting Singapore's security, and abiding by international law. When pressed on whether Israel's actions constitute genocide—a position some countries and UN bodies have adopted—Balakrishnan defers to the International Court of Justice. When activists urge Singapore to cut ties with Israel, he argues that such gestures, however symbolically satisfying, would actually make it harder to deliver humanitarian assistance. He acknowledges the hunger among some Singaporeans for their government to make moral statements on the global stage. "I think it is not unreasonable for people to say, 'I want you—since you are my representative on the global stage—to reflect our identity, to reflect what we hold dear,'" he says. But he draws a sharp distinction between foreign policy grounded in principles, such as adherence to international law, and policy grounded in values, such as moral outrage. "For too long, Westerners have been lecturing us about how to organise our society," he notes. "We don't want external interference in how we organise ourselves, right? If I say I don't want a lecture from others, I don't go around lecturing other people too."

This philosophy of restraint extends to Singapore's navigation of great-power competition between the United States and China. The question Singaporeans most often ask their leaders is how the island-state can avoid picking a side. Balakrishnan's answer is consistency. If Singapore's foreign policy is rooted in clear principles and long-term interests, both Washington and Beijing should be able to predict Singapore's responses. "If you understand our principles, you should be able to predict what we would say," he explains. "And because both sides know that, there's less pressure on us because we're not the sort of country that gives in, can be bought or bullied." This consistency played out in 2025 when Singapore publicly disclosed advanced persistent threats from cyber espionage group UNC3886, which security firms have linked to China. Balakrishnan framed the disclosure as a signal: we know what happened, we will speak up, and we will take appropriate action. "Regardless of who this threat emanated from, we will do and say exactly the same," he says. "This mode of response is equal opportunity." The same principle applied when the United States imposed a 10 percent tariff on Singapore, prompting Prime Minister Lawrence Wong to say such actions are "not what one does to a friend." Singapore responded with the same clinical consistency it would apply to any power.

In a world where large nations are rewriting the rules, the space for small states has grown tighter. Balakrishnan acknowledges the challenge: "It's tougher, yes, to show that we are relevant." But he points to Singapore's emergence as an advanced manufacturing hub and global investor as sources of leverage. More importantly, Singapore is not acting alone. The government is expanding its diplomatic footprint, with plans to open new missions in Africa and Latin America in coming years. These moves are part of a broader strategy to build what Balakrishnan calls "links through trade and strategic alignment across the world." By making common cause with like-minded partners and speaking consistently about shared interests, Singapore amplifies its voice. "What we're assembling are links through trade and strategic alignment across the world," he says. "By making common cause, talking good sense consistently, we amplify our voice on the global stage."

The personal cost of the role is not hidden. Balakrishnan spends a quarter to a third of his time travelling abroad, which means less time for his constituents in Holland–Bukit Timah GRC—a gap he has tried to close by giving them his mobile number. He is a grandfather; his three older children have seven children between them. His youngest child, now 19, was born while he was already in office and is currently doing national service. There has been grief as well. In December 2022, while he was accompanying then-Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong on an official visit to Kiel, Germany, his daughter-in-law gave birth to a stillborn son. "Family time, obviously, has been compromised," he acknowledges. Yet he frames his role now as a bridge between Singapore's third and fourth-generation leadership. "My main job now is always to be a bridge to the next generation," he says. "You need ministers to be functioning at that peak even as they hand over. That's how you win a relay race."