Russia's predictable election masks uncertainty over war policy ahead

Yabloko candidates faced detention, barring from candidacy, and election observers were prevented from monitoring the vote.
They'll vote 100% for the policies of Putin just like they did.
Yabloko's chairman on why the new parliament will remain as compliant as the last one.
Mark

So the election was essentially decided before anyone voted?

Mimi

Yes. United Russia had been expected to keep its majority, and it did. In a system where the Kremlin controls the political space, there's very little room for genuine surprise.

Luke

But we should be precise about what "controls" means here. The party won. Did it win because of coercion, or because people actually support it, or both?

Mimi

That's the question the Kremlin will use this result to answer. They'll say it's a mandate from the people.

Mark

And Yabloko—the anti-war party—was actually removed from the ballot?

Mimi

Twelve days after being registered. The Supreme Court struck it. The timing suggests the Kremlin saw Yabloko's message gaining traction and moved to stop it.

Luke

We know it was removed. We don't know for certain why. The timing is suggestive, but we're inferring motive.

Mark

Fair. But some of their candidates were jailed?

Mimi

Yes. Around 100 Yabloko candidates ran in individual races even after the party was barred, but many faced obstacles—some were in jail, others were prevented from running, and their election observers weren't allowed to monitor the vote.

Mark

So the war continues, and now the Kremlin has what it will call a popular mandate.

Mimi

That's how they'll frame it. Putin has said there's no need for another mobilisation right now, but there's deep anxiety in Russian society about whether that could change.

Luke

He said "today." That's a careful word choice.

Mimi

It is. And the Kremlin will use this election result as justification for whatever comes next.

  • United Russia held its parliamentary supermajority despite battlefield losses, fuel shortages, and the quiet exhaustion of a society four years into an unresolved war.
  • Yabloko, the only registered anti-war party, was struck from the ballot just twelve days after being approved — a removal whose speed suggested the Kremlin sensed its message was resonating.
  • Candidates who ran anyway did so under siege: some were imprisoned, others disqualified, and party-affiliated election monitors were blocked from observing the vote entirely.
  • On the final day of polling, Ukraine launched a large-scale drone strike on Moscow's oil refinery — and voters near the blast site responded not with outrage, but with the muted resignation of people long accustomed to living inside a war.
  • The Kremlin is now positioned to wield the election result as a popular mandate for continued military policy, even as anxiety about a new mobilization quietly circulates beneath the surface of Russian life.

In a political system where outcomes are shaped before ballots are cast, Russia's parliamentary election returned the expected result: Vladimir Putin's United Russia retained its constitutional majority in the State Duma, more than four years into a war that has cost the country dearly in lives and economic stability. The sole anti-war party permitted to register was swiftly removed from the ballot by the Supreme Court, its candidates jailed or barred, its observers denied entry to polling stations. What the election revealed was not the will of the people, but the architecture of a state that has learned to perform democracy while foreclosing its possibilities.

Vladimir Putin's party won the election the way everyone knew it would. United Russia retained its constitutional majority in the State Duma after more than four and a half years of war in Ukraine — a conflict that has brought battlefield losses, economic strain, and Ukrainian drone strikes on Russian oil facilities. And yet no rupture came. Every party that crossed the 5% threshold to enter parliament was already aligned with the Kremlin and its military campaign.

One party did not make the cut. Yabloko, registered as the only anti-war party permitted to contest the election, was struck from the ballot by the Supreme Court just twelve days after being approved. The speed of its removal suggested the Kremlin feared its message of peace was finding real listeners. Party chairman Nikolai Rybakov was unsurprised. "What other result can there be if there were 10 parties on the ballot and they all support the policies of Putin?" he asked. Around 100 Yabloko candidates ran in individual constituency races anyway, doing so under sustained pressure — some from jail, others having already been barred from candidacy. Party election observers were denied registration and could not monitor the vote.

On the final day of the three-day election, Ukraine launched a large-scale drone attack on the Moscow area, striking an oil refinery directly. Voters near the blast site spoke about it with weary familiarity. "They just get on with their lives," one voter said. The Kremlin will almost certainly use the election result as proof of popular support for the war — a mandate to justify whatever decisions follow. Beneath the surface, anxiety about a new mobilization persists. The election has passed. What it permits remains to be seen.

Vladimir Putin's party won the election the way everyone knew it would. In a political system where the Kremlin holds the levers, United Russia—the party of power—was always going to keep its grip on parliament. The preliminary results confirmed what had been written before a single ballot was cast: the party retained its constitutional majority in the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian legislature.

This outcome arrived after more than four and a half years of war in Ukraine. The conflict has exacted a severe toll. Russian forces have suffered enormous losses on the battlefield. The economy has tightened. Petrol shortages have struck Russian cities, the result of Ukrainian drone strikes on oil facilities. And yet the election produced no rupture, no unexpected challenge to the Kremlin's preferred outcome. The parties that crossed the 5% threshold to enter the new parliament were the same ones that had occupied it before—all of them aligned with the Kremlin and its military campaign.

One party did not make the cut. Yabloko, registered as the only anti-war party permitted to contest the election, was struck from the ballot by the Supreme Court just twelve days after being registered. The speed and timing suggested something the Kremlin feared: that Yabloko's message of peace was finding purchase with voters. Nikolai Rybakov, the party's chairman, saw the outcome as inevitable. "What other result can there be if there were 10 parties on the ballot and they all support the policies of Putin?" he asked. "I don't think the Duma will change. They'll vote 100% for the policies of Putin just like they did."

Yabloko's removal from the party list did not erase all its candidates. Around 100 ran in individual constituency races, though they operated under sustained pressure. Some sat in jail. Others had been barred from candidacy altogether. Election observers affiliated with the party were denied registration, unable to monitor the voting process. The machinery of control operated visibly, without apology.

On the final day of the three-day election, Ukraine launched a large-scale drone attack on the Moscow area. The city's oil refinery took a direct hit. At a polling station near the refinery, voters spoke about the strike with a kind of weary familiarity. More than four years into the war, Muscovites had grown accustomed to their city becoming a front line. There was no shock, only a quiet acceptance. "People in the Donbas, as well as in Bryansk, and Belgorod near the Ukrainian border, hear this kind of thing every day," one voter named Viktor said after casting his ballot. "They just get on with their lives."

What comes next is less certain than what just occurred. The Kremlin will almost certainly use the election result as proof that most Russians have rallied behind the president, a mandate to justify whatever policies and decisions follow on the war. President Putin has recently stated there is no scenario requiring another wave of mobilisation—not today. But the future remains unwritten. Beneath the surface of Russian society, anxiety persists about the possibility of a new call-up. The Kremlin is likely to treat this election as permission from the people to continue the war, regardless of what the coming months may demand.

What other result can there be if there were 10 parties on the ballot and they all support the policies of Putin?
— Nikolai Rybakov, Yabloko party chairman
People in the Donbas, as well as in Bryansk, and Belgorod near the Ukrainian border, hear this kind of thing every day. They just get on with their lives.
— Viktor, a voter in Moscow
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