Putin cannot conquer Ukraine, only destroy it, Nobel laureate Muratov tells BBC

Over one million people killed in the Ukraine conflict; at least 1,500 political prisoners detained for anti-war speech; pianist Pavel Kushnir died in pre-trial detention during hunger strike.
You can destroy it, but you cannot conquer it.
Muratov on why Putin's military victory in Ukraine is impossible, no matter the outcome.
Mark

When you say Putin can only destroy Ukraine, not conquer it, what's the difference in your mind?

Mimi

Conquest means you take something and hold it, you integrate it into your system. Destruction is what happens when you keep escalating without any political end in sight. You can level cities, you can kill millions, but you cannot make Ukrainians accept Russian rule. The longer this goes, the more it becomes pure destruction.

Mark

You mentioned nuclear weapons being discussed 500 times on Russian state television since the start of the year. That's a staggering number. What does that tell you?

Mimi

It tells me the rhetoric has normalized something that should never be normalized. When state officials and television hosts talk about nuclear weapons as a reasonable option, as something favorable, it changes what people think is possible. It's not a prediction of what will happen—I won't pretend to know Putin's mind. But it's a signal about where the conversation has moved.

Mark

You've been labeled a foreign agent. Does that change how you move through the world?

Mimi

It changes everything practically—I can't teach, I can't participate in elections, I can't access my own money if I sell my apartment. But the label is designed to do more than that. It's meant to make society see you as an enemy. What worries me more is the people in prison who don't have my platform, my history, my international recognition.

Mark

You showed me photographs of prisoners. Why was that important to you in this conversation?

Mimi

Because the world is not paying attention to them. They were the first to speak out against the war. They are the ones paying the price. A pianist dies in detention during a hunger strike, and the world moves on. I wanted you to see their faces, to know their names. That's what journalism is—bearing witness.

Mark

Do you think there's a way out of this?

Mimi

I don't know. But I know that people on the streets of Moscow still whisper their support. They are afraid, but they have not stopped thinking. That matters. It has to matter.

  • After nearly five years and over a million deaths, a Nobel laureate journalist declares Putin's military victory in Ukraine a structural impossibility — destruction, not conquest, is all that remains on the table.
  • Russia has imprisoned at least 1,500 people for anti-war speech — three times the peak of Soviet-era political prisoners — while independent media has been seized, blocked, or branded as extremist.
  • Nuclear weapons have been invoked more than 500 times in Russian discourse since the year began, including at a state economic forum where their use was framed not as catastrophe but as something favorable.
  • Novaya Gazeta, once Russia's most fearless independent newspaper, has been stripped of its presses and registration, its website blocked inside Russia, its founder designated a foreign agent.
  • A 39-year-old pianist, Pavel Kushnir, died in pre-trial detention during a hunger strike after posting anti-war videos — one face among thousands that Muratov carries in a folder of photographs.
  • Despite the silence enforced by fear, Muratov finds a fragile but stubborn signal of resistance: ordinary Muscovites still whisper their gratitude to him in the streets, unwilling to be entirely erased.

Nearly five years into a war that has consumed more than a million lives, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Dmitry Muratov offers a stark reckoning from Moscow: Vladimir Putin may be capable of destroying Ukraine, but conquest has already slipped beyond reach. Speaking to the BBC from the hollowed corridors of his silenced newspaper, Muratov places this conflict within a longer arc of repression — one that has now imprisoned more dissidents than the Soviet KGB at its height, and that has normalized nuclear rhetoric in the language of Russian public life. His witness is not that of a pundit, but of a man who has watched six colleagues die for the truth, and who still hears gratitude whispered to him on the streets of a city that cannot speak aloud.

The newsroom of Novaya Gazeta is silent. Dmitry Muratov — its co-founder, its Nobel laureate, the man who spent three decades defending freedom of expression inside Russia — walks its corridors and finds nothing left. The printing presses were seized by state decree in 2022. The registration was revoked. The paper survives only online, its website blocked inside Russia, reachable only through VPNs or from abroad.

What happened to one newspaper has happened across the country. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin has branded hundreds of opinion leaders as foreign agents or extremists. At least 1,500 people now sit in Russian prisons for speaking against the war — three times the number of prisoners of conscience Amnesty International documented in the entire Soviet Union during the 1980s. The scale of repression, Muratov says, has outpaced even the darkest chapters of Soviet history.

And yet the war itself has become something Putin cannot win. Nearly five years in, more than a million people have been killed. Muratov is precise: you can destroy Ukraine, but you cannot conquer it. He refuses to speculate about what moves inside Putin's mind — those who claim to know, he says, are charlatans, no different from astrologers. But he has watched the rhetoric shift. Nuclear weapons have been mentioned more than 500 times in Russian discourse since the year began, including at a state economic forum where speakers framed their use as something favorable.

Muratov opens a folder and pulls out photographs. Four journalists convicted on extremism charges. A city councillor jailed for calling the war a war. And Pavel Kushnir — a pianist of exceptional talent, an interpreter of Rachmaninoff and Schubert — arrested for posting anti-war videos. Muratov holds up a second image. It shows Kushnir in his coffin. He was 39, and he died in pre-trial detention during a hunger strike.

Muratov himself has been designated a foreign agent. He does not dwell on it. What he dwells on is smaller and more stubborn: on the streets of Moscow, people still whisper their gratitude to him. They cannot speak loudly — the cost is too high — but they speak. In a country where everything else has been taken, that whisper is what remains.

The newsroom of Novaya Gazeta sits in silence now. Dmitry Muratov walks through corridors that once hummed with the work of Russia's most fearless independent journalists, and there is nothing left to hum about. "There is no newspaper anymore," he tells the BBC's Steve Rosenberg in an exclusive interview. The man who co-founded this publication more than three decades ago, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2021 for defending freedom of expression, now stands in a building that no longer belongs to him.

Novaya Gazeta was the flagship of hard-hitting Russian journalism. It exposed human rights abuses and corruption at the highest levels. Six of its journalists were killed in pursuit of that work, including Anna Politkovskaya, whose reporting on the war in Chechnya made her a target. The Nobel Committee recognized Muratov's courage. But a prize could not protect what he had built. In 2022, Putin issued a decree. The printing presses were seized by the state. The newspaper's registration was revoked. Today, Novaya Gazeta exists only online, and even that presence is strangled—its website blocked inside Russia, accessible only through VPNs or from abroad.

What happened to one newspaper reflects what has happened across the country. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Kremlin has systematized the silencing of dissent. Opinion leaders have been branded as foreign agents, extremists, or terrorists—several hundred of them. At least 1,500 people now sit in Russian prisons for speaking against the war, Muratov says. That is three times the number of prisoners of conscience that Amnesty International documented in the entire Soviet Union during the 1980s. The scale of repression has outpaced even the darkest chapters of Soviet history.

Meanwhile, the war itself has become something Putin cannot win, no matter how it ends. Nearly five years in, the conflict has killed more than a million people. Muratov speaks with the precision of a journalist who has studied the data: "You can destroy it, but you cannot conquer it." He means Ukraine. He means that continued escalation—even to nuclear weapons—would be destruction, not victory. When asked if he truly believes Putin would use nuclear weapons, Muratov refuses to speculate about what goes on inside the president's mind. "All those political experts who say 'Putin thinks this' or 'Putin is scared of that'—they're all charlatans," he says. "It's in the same league as astrology." But he has watched the rhetoric shift. Since the beginning of the year, the need for nuclear weapons has been mentioned more than 500 times in Russian discourse. He has heard it discussed on state television. He has heard it at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, a state-run event, where speakers have framed nuclear weapons use as something favorable, something good.

The invasion was supposed to secure Russia. Muratov asks the obvious question: Has security increased? Ukrainian drones now attack Russian warehouses. There are fuel shortages, internet disruptions, thousands of political prisoners. The answer is no. Yet Putin maintains his grip on power, held in place by fear and the apparatus of the Federal Security Service. Muratov has few illusions about the West either. He knows that European leaders lecture Putin about human rights while signing trade deals for oil and gas. Putin, he says, laughs at the contradiction.

Muratov himself has been designated a foreign agent—a label designed to punish and stigmatize, to mark him as an enemy within. But he does not dwell on his own pressures. Instead, he opens a folder and pulls out photographs. They are portraits of prisoners. Four journalists—Antonina Favorskaya, Konstantin Gabov, Sergey Karelin, and Artyom Kriger—convicted on extremism charges for alleged links to Alexei Navalny's anti-corruption organization. Alexei Gorinov, a city councillor jailed for spreading false information about the military after he spoke against the war. And Pavel Kushnir, a pianist of exceptional talent, an interpreter of Rachmaninoff and Schubert, arrested for posting anti-war videos. Muratov holds up a second image of Kushnir. "And this is him in his coffin." The musician died in pre-trial detention during a hunger strike. He was 39.

Yet even in this bleakness, Muratov finds something to hold onto. On the streets of Moscow, people whisper their gratitude to him and his colleagues. They do not speak loudly—the cost is too high—but they speak. What people think, he says, is very important. It is a small thing, a whisper in a silenced country. But it is what remains when everything else has been taken.

There is no newspaper anymore.
— Dmitry Muratov, former editor of Novaya Gazeta
All those political experts who say 'Putin thinks this' or 'Putin is scared of that'—they're all charlatans. It's in the same league as astrology.
— Dmitry Muratov, on speculation about Putin's intentions
Quer a matéria completa? Leia o original em BBC News ↗
Fale Conosco FAQ