Polish-based Ukrainian aid group battles donor fatigue and rising anti-Ukrainian hostility

Over 100 vulnerable Ukrainian women and children, including trafficking and domestic abuse survivors, have relied on Martynka for shelter; rising hate crimes and vandalism target the refugee community.
Ukraine is not in the headlines anymore. The international attention has moved elsewhere.
Nastya describes the shift in donor support as her organization battles funding cuts and rising anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Poland.
Mark

So Nastya went back into Ukraine during the invasion to help her family escape. That's the founding moment of all this?

Mimi

Yes. She was in Poland, safe, and she went back into active war to get her sister and three nieces out. That act of going back—that's what gave her the knowledge and the moral clarity to build Martynka.

Luke

But we should be precise about the timeline. She went back two days before the full-scale invasion, so she wasn't going into active combat yet. Still brave, still a choice, but the facts matter.

Mimi

Fair. She went back into a country she knew was about to be invaded. She got her family out. Then she saw the trafficking happening at the border and realized she could help.

Mark

The hotline gets a hundred calls a month. That's a lot of people in crisis. What are they asking for?

Mimi

Shelter, legal help, psychological support. Many are women and children fleeing trafficking or domestic abuse. One woman had been drugged and sold into sex work by her boyfriend for years.

Luke

And Martynka has housed about one hundred people total since 2022. So the hundred monthly calls—those are requests, not all of which result in shelter. We don't know the conversion rate.

Mimi

Right. The calls are the need. The shelter is the response they can actually provide.

Mark

Why is the funding drying up now? The war is still happening.

Mimi

Donor fatigue. Ukraine dropped out of the headlines. International organizations cut USAID funding. UNHCR had to cut its Poland staff by two-thirds.

Luke

Two-thirds is a real number—from one hundred twenty to forty. That's documented. But "donor fatigue" is a diagnosis, not a fact. We know funding was cut. The reason people stopped giving is harder to pin down.

Mark

And then there's the anti-Ukrainian sentiment rising. Hate crimes up a third.

Mimi

Yes. And it's not just crime. It's vandalism, online abuse, policy changes. New rules restricting refugee access to child benefits and healthcare.

Luke

Those policy changes—are they explicitly anti-Ukrainian or are they general refugee restrictions? The source says they were introduced, but not who introduced them or the stated reasoning.

Mimi

That's a gap. But the timing matters. They came as attitudes were shifting.

Mark

The UPA naming decision by Zelenskyy—that seems to have been a real accelerant.

Mimi

It was. Poles see the UPA as perpetrators of massacre. Ukrainians see them as anti-Soviet resistance fighters. Zelenskyy's decision to honor them triggered Nawrocki to strip him of Poland's highest honor.

Luke

And we should note: this is a real historical dispute with legitimate grievance on both sides. The source doesn't resolve it, and neither should we. But it's being weaponized now to justify hostility toward Ukrainian refugees who had nothing to do with World War II.

Mark

Nastya says Russian bots are stoking the tension deliberately.

Mimi

She does. She says Russia wants to prevent Poles and Ukrainians from uniting, wants to keep refugees from integrating.

Luke

That's her assessment. We don't have independent verification of bot campaigns in the source material. It's plausible, it fits known Russian tactics, but it's one person's interpretation of what she's seeing.

Mark

But the car vandalism—that's real. The spray paint message is real.

Mimi

Yes. That happened. She documented it. The comments wishing her death are real.

Mark

And she's still optimistic.

Mimi

She says she loves the work. She'd trust Martynka with her own family. But the question is whether that love can sustain the organization when everything around it is contracting.

  • Martynka has sheltered over 100 vulnerable women and children since March 2022, fielding approximately 100 calls per month
  • UNHCR reduced its Poland staff by two-thirds (from 120 to 40) and closed three regional offices
  • Hate crimes against Ukrainians in Poland rose by one-third in the first half of 2026
  • Ukrainians comprise more than three-quarters of all foreigners living in Poland

Martynka, founded by Nastya Podorozhnya, has helped over 100 vulnerable women and children since 2022, fielding ~100 calls monthly for shelter, legal aid, and psychological support. USAID cuts and donor exhaustion have forced therapy session reductions; UNHCR scaled back Poland staff by two-thirds, closing three regional offices as international focus shifts elsewhere.

A Ukrainian-led organization providing shelter and support to refugee women in Poland confronts funding cuts, donor fatigue, and growing anti-Ukrainian sentiment as international attention wanes and historical tensions resurface.

Nastya Podorozhnya was twenty-four years old and living in Krakow when Vladimir Putin announced his invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. She had just graduated from Jagiellonian University. Within hours, Russian forces attacked Kyiv's Antonov Airport near her family's home. Two days before the full-scale assault began, she made the decision to return to Ukraine, crossing back into danger to help her sister and three young nieces escape to Poland.

What began as a personal act of rescue became something larger. Nastya recognized that her years in Poland had given her knowledge that newly arrived refugees desperately needed—how to navigate the healthcare system, book a doctor's appointment, buy a tram ticket, move through a country that was not their own. She also recognized a darker reality. Activists working against human trafficking told her that the chaos at the border in those first weeks after the invasion had created ideal conditions for exploitation. "People were so easily trusting the volunteers," she recalled, describing how traffickers saw the moment as an unprecedented opportunity.

She founded Martynka, named after her youngest niece, to provide shelter and support to the most vulnerable arrivals. The organization operates from a two-bedroom apartment in central Krakow and runs a hotline staffed in four languages. Since March 2022, it has fielded more than five thousand requests for help. Now it receives roughly one hundred calls each month. The team offers psychological support, legal assistance, and counseling to women and children fleeing domestic abuse, trafficking, and the broader violence of war. Over one hundred women and children have found shelter in that apartment. One young woman who stayed for an extended period had been drugged by her boyfriend—a man she had met as a teenager while escaping the invasion—and sold into sexual exploitation. Nastya's work is rooted partly in her own trauma. While studying in Krakow, a Ukrainian man attempted to rape her outside her dormitory. The legal process was long and difficult. Police detained the suspect, then released him. Eventually he was convicted and given a restraining order. That experience, Nastya said, gave her PTSD but also taught her how survivors are treated by systems meant to protect them.

The organization's survival has always depended on donations from international organizations. But the landscape has shifted dramatically. USAID funding cuts have intensified competition for grants. Donor fatigue has become a concrete constraint—Martynka has been forced to reduce its one-to-one therapy sessions. "Ukraine is not in the headlines anymore," Nastya told Deutsche Welle. "The international attention has moved elsewhere." She described the summer of 2026 as a grueling fundraising campaign. "It is so hard to convince people to donate to a Ukrainian organization right now. There is something called exhaustion, donor exhaustion, fundraising exhaustion." The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees confirmed the scale of the crisis in the aid sector. Jun Shirato, the acting representative for Poland, Czechia, and Slovakia, said that funding cuts forced UNHCR to reduce its Poland staff by two-thirds—from one hundred twenty people at its peak in the months after the invasion to forty now. The organization closed three regional offices it had opened in Krakow, Lublin, and Rzeszow. Only the Warsaw office remains.

At the same time, the political and social climate surrounding Ukrainian refugees has deteriorated. In the months immediately after the invasion, many Poles opened their homes to Ukrainian families, including Nastya's own sister and nieces. That generosity has given way to something harder. Earlier in 2026, Poland introduced new rules restricting access to child benefits and free healthcare for refugees who do not work. Police statistics show that hate crimes against Ukrainians rose by one third in the first half of the year. Ukrainians now make up more than three quarters of all foreigners living in Poland, making them the most visible target for shifting sentiment.

Historical grievances have surfaced alongside this hostility. In May, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy named a military unit after the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the UPA, which participated in the killing of tens of thousands of Poles during World War II. The decision triggered outrage in Poland. President Karol Nawrocki stripped Zelenskyy of Poland's highest state honor, the Order of the White Eagle. The dispute reflects a fundamental difference in historical memory. Poles focus on the UPA's massacres of Polish citizens. Many Ukrainians view the UPA and figures like Stepan Bandera as heroes because they fought Soviet occupation after the war. This collision of narratives has become a flashpoint for anger directed at the Ukrainian community.

Nastya has documented the consequences. She recorded a video after a Ukrainian family's car was destroyed—windows smashed, the words "Bandera people go back where you came from" sprayed in paint across the vehicle. The comments on that video wished her death and told her to leave Poland. She described the emotional toll as severe. She also attributes some of the hostility to deliberate amplification by Russian actors. "They do not want us to be together, or to remember who our common enemy is," she said. "They don't want Ukrainian refugees to integrate or feel welcome." Bots and coordinated campaigns, she suggested, are being used to stoke tensions between Poles and Ukrainians, deepening divisions that serve Russia's interests.

Despite the strain—the funding cuts, the donor fatigue, the rising hostility, the online abuse—Nastya said she remains optimistic. "I love my job so much," she told Deutsche Welle. "I would easily send my mother, my sister, my best friend to Martynka for support. I know there are few organizations that could provide such wonderful help." The question now is whether that commitment can survive the convergence of forces working against it: a world's attention moving elsewhere, resources drying up, and a host country's patience wearing thin.

Ukraine is not in the headlines anymore. The international attention has moved elsewhere. It is so hard to convince people to donate to a Ukrainian organization right now.
— Nastya Podorozhnya, founder of Martynka
They do not want us to be together, or to remember who our common enemy is. They don't want Ukrainian refugees to integrate or feel welcome.
— Nastya Podorozhnya, on Russian efforts to stoke tensions between Poles and Ukrainians
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