North Korea Fires Multiple Cruise Missiles During US-South Korea Joint Drills

weapons are far past the experimental stage and ready for the actual battlefield
A North Korean studies professor explains what the regime's choice of language reveals about how it wants its military capabilities perceived.
Mark

Why does North Korea keep launching missiles during these joint drills? Isn't that just predictable?

Mimi

It's predictable in pattern, but the escalation matters. They went from submarine-launched cruise missiles to suspected ICBMs in ten days. That's not random noise—it's a message about capability.

Luke

But we should be careful here. The source says "suspected" ICBM. That's one assessment. We don't have independent confirmation of what that March 20 test actually was.

Mark

What's the significance of Kim Jong Un's sister making the threat on March 7?

Mimi

It signals regime-level commitment. This isn't a rogue general acting alone. The sister's statement set the tone, and then every day for ten days they backed it up with hardware. That's coordination.

Luke

True, but we should note: we're reading her statement through North Korean media and then through South Korean and U.S. reporting. The exact wording and intent—what she actually meant by "overwhelming actions"—we're interpreting that.

Mark

The article mentions cruise missiles don't violate UN resolutions. Why does that matter?

Mimi

It's a legal loophole. North Korea can test them with less international pushback. But they're tactically dangerous because they fly low and are hard to intercept. So they get less attention than ballistic missiles but pose real risk.

Luke

Right, but the source doesn't say whether these particular cruise missiles were detected by U.S. or South Korean systems, or whether they actually posed a direct threat. We know they were fired; we don't know how close they came to anything.

Mark

What does the language about "combat arrangement" actually tell us?

Mimi

It's a shift in messaging. Instead of saying "we're testing experimental weapons," North Korea is saying "these are battlefield-ready." That's a psychological move—they're trying to convince both their own population and adversaries that the arsenal is mature.

Luke

The professor is interpreting that language. It's a reasonable interpretation, but it's still interpretation. We don't have Kim Jong Un saying directly, "These weapons are ready for war." We have media language that a scholar is reading as a signal.

  • North Korea fired multiple cruise missiles from South Hamgyong province on March 22, timed precisely to the arrival of the USS Makin Island for amphibious assault drills — a signal wrapped inside a signal.
  • The launch was the fifth provocation in ten days, following submarine-based cruise missiles, short-range ballistic missiles, and what analysts believe was an ICBM — an escalating drumbeat that kept the Korean Peninsula on a knife's edge.
  • Kim Jong Un's sister had set the tempo on March 7, publicly vowing 'overwhelming actions' against the joint drills, and North Korea's military has since executed that promise with methodical precision.
  • State media's deliberate framing of the tests as 'combat arrangement' — not experiments — signals that Pyongyang wants the world to stop treating its arsenal as a work in progress.
  • Cruise missiles add a particularly unsettling dimension: flying low and hard to detect, they fall outside UN Security Council prohibitions, giving North Korea a provocative tool that is both legally ambiguous and tactically dangerous.

Along the contested waters of the East Sea, North Korea launched a series of cruise missiles on March 22, 2023, as American and South Korean forces conducted their largest joint exercises in years. The launches were not spontaneous outbursts but choreographed demonstrations — each test timed, named, and narrated by Pyongyang as proof that its weapons are no longer experiments but instruments of war. In the long arc of peninsular tension, this ten-day sequence marks a deliberate shift in how North Korea chooses to be seen: not as a nation developing capability, but as one declaring it already possesses it.

On the morning of March 22, 2023, South Korea's military detected several cruise missiles launched from North Hamgyong province, arcing toward the East Sea at 10:15 a.m. The timing was anything but coincidental — the USS Makin Island had just arrived in South Korean waters to join large-scale amphibious landing drills, part of an eleven-day joint exercise scheduled to conclude the following morning.

The launch was the fifth in a ten-day sequence of escalating provocations. Beginning March 12 with submarine-based cruise missiles, North Korea had steadily raised the stakes: short-range ballistic missiles on March 18, a suspected ICBM on March 20, another short-range ballistic missile on March 21, and now this. Each test appeared calibrated to demonstrate both capability and resolve.

The architect of the tempo was Kim Yo Jong, Kim Jong Un's sister, who on March 7 had publicly vowed 'appropriate, quick and overwhelming actions' in response to the joint drills — exercises Pyongyang has long condemned as rehearsals for invasion. What followed was a ten-day demonstration designed to make that vow credible.

Perhaps most telling was how North Korea's state media narrated the tests. The Korean Central News Agency labeled one launch a 'drill to send a stronger warning to the enemy,' and coverage showed Kim Jong Un observing alongside his daughter — a deliberate projection of dynastic continuity. Professor Park Wongon of Ewha Womans University noted that Pyongyang's repeated use of the phrase 'combat arrangement' marked a meaningful shift: the regime no longer wanted its weapons seen as experimental, but as battlefield-ready.

Cruise missiles occupy a particular niche in this calculus. They do not technically violate UN Security Council resolutions, yet their low-altitude flight makes them far harder to detect and intercept than ballistic missiles — a quiet but genuine threat. As the joint exercises neared their end, the question was whether North Korea's ten-day display had made its point, or whether the provocations would continue long after the drills fell silent.

On Wednesday morning, March 22, 2023, South Korea's military detected several cruise missiles fired from North Hamgyong province at 10:15 a.m., traveling toward the East Sea. The launch marked the latest in a series of escalating military provocations that had unfolded over the previous ten days, each one timed to coincide with the ongoing joint military exercises between the United States and South Korea. The timing was deliberate: the USS Makin Island, an amphibious assault ship, had just arrived in South Korean waters to participate in large-scale landing drills as part of the eleven-day exercise, which was scheduled to conclude Thursday morning.

The cruise missile test was not an isolated incident but rather one move in a calculated sequence of demonstrations. Starting on March 12, North Korea had launched two submarine-based cruise missiles. That escalation continued with two short-range ballistic missiles on March 18, followed by what analysts believed was an intercontinental ballistic missile on March 20, and another short-range ballistic missile on March 21. Each test appeared designed to signal growing capability and resolve.

The driving force behind this tempo of launches was explicit. On March 7, Kim Yo Jong, the sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, had issued a public statement vowing to take "appropriate, quick and overwhelming actions" in response to the joint U.S.-South Korea drills. North Korea has long objected to these exercises, viewing them as rehearsals for invasion. Kim Yo Jong's statement set the tone for what followed: a ten-day demonstration of military readiness that would keep the peninsula on edge.

What made the messaging particularly significant was how North Korea's state media framed the tests. The official Korean Central News Agency explicitly labeled Sunday's launch as a "drill to send a stronger warning to the enemy who expanded their war drills for aggression." The coverage included photographs of Kim Jong Un overseeing the test alongside his daughter, a deliberate choice to project continuity of power and family succession while demonstrating military prowess. Park Wongon, a professor of North Korean Studies at Ewha Womans University, noted that Pyongyang's repeated use of the phrase "combat arrangement" in recent reports signaled a shift in how the regime wanted the world to perceive its arsenal. "The regime wants to show off that their weapons are far past the experimental stage and ready for the actual battlefield," Park told ABC News.

Crude missiles occupy a particular place in the calculus of regional security. Unlike ballistic missiles, cruise missiles do not technically violate United Nations Security Council resolutions, which has allowed North Korea to test them with somewhat less international outcry. Yet their strategic value should not be underestimated. Because they fly at low altitude, they are significantly harder to detect and intercept than their ballistic counterparts, making them a genuine tactical concern for South Korea and its allies even if they are not classified as the most destabilizing weapons in North Korea's arsenal.

The joint U.S.-South Korea exercise was set to conclude the following morning, but the question hanging over the peninsula was whether North Korea would continue its provocations once the drills ended, or whether the ten-day display of escalating capability had made its point. The language North Korea chose—framing missiles as combat-ready rather than experimental—suggested the regime was signaling not just anger at the exercises but a readiness to act that extended beyond the immediate moment.

The regime wants to show off that their weapons are far past the experimental stage and ready for the actual battlefield.
— Park Wongon, professor of North Korean Studies at Ewha Womans University
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