Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. traveled to Beijing in early January to meet with Xi Jinping, carrying the quiet but unmistakable weight of a nation trying to reclaim its footing between two great powers. The visit marked a deliberate departure from his predecessor's deference to China, as Marcos sought to place the South China Sea's contested waters — and the sovereignty questions they carry — back on the table between two countries that call each other friends. In the long arc of small nations navigating the gravity of larger ones, this journey represented something both ancient an
Marcos heads to Beijing for talks with Xi on disputed South China Sea
China's goal is to force us to accept the fait accompli
So Marcos is walking into this meeting with Xi having already signaled to the U.S. that he's on their side. Isn't that a risky move?
It's a recalibration, not a reversal. Duterte had moved so far toward China that the Philippines essentially abandoned its own territorial claims. Marcos is trying to find middle ground—maintain economic ties with Beijing while also asserting sovereignty and keeping the U.S. alliance alive.
But what does "middle ground" actually mean here? He's meeting with Xi, but he's also already met Biden twice and hosted Blinken and Harris. That's not really balanced—that's a tilt.
Fair point. But the Philippines is a small country caught between two powers. Marcos inherited a situation where his predecessor had essentially ceded the South China Sea argument. He's trying to recover some negotiating position.
And what does he actually expect to get out of this Beijing trip?
Probably not much on the territorial issue itself. But he can signal that the Philippines won't be pushed around, and he can keep the economic relationship intact.
Which brings us to the real question: Does China care what the Philippines signals? De Castro basically says no—China will keep doing what it's doing in the exclusive economic zone regardless.
That's the hard truth. China has already established facts on the water. The arbitral ruling from 2016 said China's claims were invalid, but China ignored it. Marcos can talk about not losing an inch of territory, but if China is already there, what does that mean?
So this visit is theater?
Not entirely. It's about maintaining channels, preventing escalation, and keeping both sides talking. But you're right that it's unlikely to resolve anything.
And the three trillion dollars in annual trade passing through those waters—that's the real leverage, isn't it? Not territorial law or international rulings, but commerce.
Exactly. That's why Marcos can't simply align with the U.S. and ignore China. The economic stakes are too high.
El Pulso
- Manila is pressing Beijing directly on what it calls illegal Chinese construction and vessel deployments inside waters the Philippines claims as its own.
- China's spokespersons sidestepped the maritime dispute entirely, framing the visit around agriculture, infrastructure, and a vision of a 'golden era' of cooperation.
- Marcos is actively unwinding Duterte's China-leaning posture, having already met Biden twice and welcomed both Blinken and Harris to Manila with renewed U.S. defense commitments in hand.
- Analysts warn that Beijing is unlikely to yield — its strategy, one expert noted, is to force Manila to accept Chinese operations within its exclusive economic zone as a permanent reality.
- With three trillion dollars in annual trade passing through these waters, the stakes extend far beyond two nations, making every diplomatic signal a matter of global economic consequence.
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. traveled to Beijing in early January to meet with Xi Jinping, carrying the quiet but unmistakable weight of a nation trying to reclaim its footing between two great powers. The visit marked a deliberate departure from his predecessor's deference to China, as Marcos sought to place the South China Sea's contested waters — and the sovereignty questions they carry — back on the table between two countries that call each other friends. In the long arc of small nations navigating the gravity of larger ones, this journey represented something both ancient and urgent: the search for dignity without rupture.
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. flew to Beijing in early January carrying the weight of a territorial dispute that has long shadowed his country's relationship with China. The three-day visit would be his second face-to-face meeting with Xi Jinping — the first had taken place in Thailand just weeks earlier — and this time the agenda was harder to obscure. Manila wanted to address what it viewed as illegal Chinese construction in the South China Sea and the coordinated presence of Chinese vessels in waters the Philippines considers its own.
Marcos chose diplomatic language before departure, describing the two countries as friends whose problems should be resolved between them. But a Philippine foreign ministry official had already confirmed publicly that the South China Sea would be on the table. Beijing offered a different framing entirely: its spokesperson spoke of cooperation in agriculture, infrastructure, and culture, gesturing toward a 'golden era' while making no mention of maritime disputes.
The visit carried meaning beyond its agenda. Under Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines had set aside its territorial grievances in exchange for Chinese investment. Marcos was now recalibrating. He had met Biden twice, welcomed senior U.S. officials to Manila, and received American assurances of military support if the Philippines came under attack in contested waters. He had also declared publicly that he would not surrender a single inch of Philippine territory — a statement that resonated against the backdrop of a 2016 international arbitral ruling that had rejected China's sweeping claims in the region.
Analysts expected Marcos to use the visit to signal a clear departure from his predecessor's posture, but held few expectations of a breakthrough. As one Manila-based international affairs scholar put it, China's goal is ultimately to normalize its operations within the Philippine exclusive economic zone — and a diplomatic visit was unlikely to change that calculus. The deeper question was whether Marcos could establish a new equilibrium: one that preserved economic ties with Beijing while reasserting sovereignty and deepening the security partnership with Washington.
Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. was preparing to board a flight to Beijing on a Tuesday in early January, carrying with him the weight of a territorial dispute that has shadowed his country's relationship with China for years. The three-day visit would bring him face-to-face with President Xi Jinping for the second time in as many months—a November meeting in Thailand had been the first—and this time, the agenda was unmistakable. Manila wanted to talk about what it saw as illegal Chinese construction in the South China Sea and the coordinated deployment of Chinese vessels in waters the Philippines claims as its own.
Marcos framed the visit in diplomatic language before departure, saying he looked forward to the meeting and that "the issues between our two countries are problems that do not belong between two friends such as the Philippines and China." But the subtext was harder to miss. A Philippine foreign ministry official had already signaled publicly that the South China Sea would be on the table. China's foreign ministry, for its part, offered a different emphasis: Wang Wenbin, the spokesperson, made no mention of maritime disputes and instead spoke of focusing on "bilateral relations and regional and international issues of common concern," with cooperation in agriculture, infrastructure, energy, and culture framed as a path toward a "golden era."
What made this visit significant was the pivot it represented. Under Marcos's predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines had tilted sharply toward China, setting aside its territorial grievances in exchange for Chinese investment and infrastructure projects. Marcos was now attempting to recalibrate. He had already met twice with U.S. President Joe Biden since taking office, and both Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Vice President Kamala Harris had visited Manila in the previous year, each time reaffirming that Washington would defend the Philippines militarily if it came under attack in the South China Sea. In May, Marcos himself had declared publicly that he would not surrender "an inch" of Philippine territory to any foreign power—a statement that drew applause from those who supported a 2016 international arbitral ruling that had rejected China's sweeping territorial claims in the region.
The South China Sea itself was no abstract concern. Roughly three trillion dollars in ship-borne commerce passed through those waters annually, making it one of the world's most economically vital shipping lanes. It was also a persistent flashpoint between China and the United States, with Beijing's military activities and Washington's freedom-of-navigation operations creating an ongoing tension that smaller nations like the Philippines found themselves caught between.
Analysts watching the visit expected Marcos to use it as an opportunity to signal that the Philippines was moving away from Duterte's extreme tilt toward Beijing. Renato Cruz De Castro, an international affairs analyst at De La Salle University in Manila, acknowledged that the South China Sea issue would likely come up in the talks. But he held no illusions about the outcome. "At the end of the day, China's goal is to force us to accept the fait accompli, that they will be operating within our exclusive economic zone," he said. In other words, Beijing was unlikely to change course simply because Manila had raised the issue. The question was whether Marcos could use the visit to establish a new equilibrium—one that acknowledged China's economic importance while also reasserting the Philippines' territorial claims and its security partnership with the United States.
Citas Notables
The issues between our two countries are problems that do not belong between two friends such as the Philippines and China.— President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., before his departure to Beijing
At the end of the day, China's goal is to force us to accept the fait accompli, that they will be operating within our exclusive economic zone.— Renato Cruz De Castro, international affairs analyst at De La Salle University