As Victoria approaches its November 28 election, a quiet contradiction sits at the heart of its democracy: polls consistently suggest no single party will win outright, yet the two people competing to lead the state refuse to acknowledge what nearly half the electorate already accepts as fact. Premier Ben Carroll and opposition leader Jess Wilson campaign as though majority government is inevitable, even as history, data, and precedent suggest otherwise. It is an old ritual of electoral politics — the performance of certainty in the face of complexity — but one that grows harder to sustain whe
Major parties dodge minority government reality as Victoria shifts to multi-party politics
When they see which way the vote goes, they will.
So both leaders are saying they won't negotiate with minor parties, but the polls suggest they'll have to. Why not just admit it now?
Because admitting it looks weak. If you say you might need One Nation or the Greens, you're handing your opponent a weapon. Labor is already using the prospect of a Coalition-One Nation deal to scare voters back to them.
But is that actually working? The polls still show a hung parliament is likely. So what's the strategic gain in denying reality?
It's not about the polls. It's about the narrative. If you say "we might need to negotiate," you're already negotiating. You've lost leverage before you've even started.
So they're both lying, essentially.
Not lying. Campaigning. There's a difference. They're not saying it's impossible. They're just saying it won't happen to them.
But we know from 1999 that this works fine. The independents negotiated, got real outcomes—accountability, rural investment—and the government lasted three years. Why is that precedent not being discussed?
Because it was 27 years ago, and the political culture has changed. One Nation is different from those independents. The Greens are different. The stakes feel higher.
Do they actually feel higher, or does it just feel that way because we're not used to it?
The source doesn't tell us whether a Coalition-One Nation arrangement would actually be unstable or just uncomfortable. We're assuming it would be messy, but we don't know.
That's fair. What we do know is that Hanson wants to talk and Wilson won't. That's the real story—not what will happen, but what's being avoided.
And after the election, when the votes are counted and the numbers are what they are?
Then they'll negotiate, just like Davies said. The keys won't actually be thrown back. But by then, the election will be over, and the framing will be different.
Il Polso
- Nearly half of Victorians believe the two-party system is finished, yet both major party leaders are campaigning as though a majority government is all but guaranteed.
- Carroll flatly ruled out Greens support, while Wilson refused to engage with questions about One Nation — two leaders, different tones, the same studied evasion.
- The disconnect is sharpened by polling that points toward either a Coalition propped up by One Nation or a Labor government reliant on the Greens — outcomes neither leader will publicly countenance.
- One Nation's Pauline Hanson is already urging the Coalition to swallow its pride and negotiate, while a senior Liberal privately dismissed talk of 'diplomatic ties' with One Nation as 'smoke and mirrors.'
- Political veterans and academics warn that whatever leaders say now, the morning after the election the phone calls will begin — just as they did in 1999, when independents quietly rang a former premier before anyone had conceded a thing.
As Victoria approaches its November 28 election, a quiet contradiction sits at the heart of its democracy: polls consistently suggest no single party will win outright, yet the two people competing to lead the state refuse to acknowledge what nearly half the electorate already accepts as fact. Premier Ben Carroll and opposition leader Jess Wilson campaign as though majority government is inevitable, even as history, data, and precedent suggest otherwise. It is an old ritual of electoral politics — the performance of certainty in the face of complexity — but one that grows harder to sustain when voters themselves have moved on.
Victoria is weeks from an election that most voters expect will produce a hung parliament, yet the two leaders competing to govern the state are refusing to say so out loud. Premier Ben Carroll ruled out accepting Greens support to remain in power, saying he would hand back the keys if the numbers fell short. Opposition leader Jess Wilson declined to engage with equivalent questions about One Nation, insisting she was running for a majority and nothing else. Two different tones, the same essential message: minority government is not something we are planning for.
The polls tell a different story. Successive surveys, including Resolve Political Monitor research of 1,100 Victorians, found 45 per cent believe the two-party system is over. Only 13 per cent disagreed. Even 40 per cent of Labor's own voters agreed the old binary was finished. The most likely outcomes, analysts suggest, are a Coalition government reliant on One Nation or a Labor government reliant on the Greens — precisely the arrangements both leaders are publicly ruling out.
Bob Brown, who helped negotiate the 2010 federal minority government between Julia Gillard and the Greens, says the evasion is standard campaign behaviour but argues Victoria's leaders now owe voters more honesty. He called Carroll's position a 'spoilsport approach' — a refusal to accept the verdict the electorate may deliver. Carroll countered that he was being respectful by stating his intentions clearly, comparing himself to Anthony Albanese before the 2025 federal election. But Albanese ruled out minority government while ahead in the polls. Carroll is doing so while trailing.
Former independent MP Susan Davies has lived through what comes next. After the 1999 state election, she and two fellow independents held the balance of power. Before speaking to either major party, they drafted a charter of principles — accountability, democratic reform, commitments to rural Victoria — and used it as the basis for supporting Steve Bracks's Labor. The resulting agreement lasted until Labor won a majority in 2002. Davies is unsentimental about the current leaders' silence: 'They will never willingly say they will form any arrangement with a minor party. The reality is that when they see which way the vote goes, they will.'
There are, as politics lecturer Robert Hoffman notes, many ways to govern without a formal coalition — supply and confidence arrangements, policy commitments, even ministerial portfolios, all of which have precedent in Australian states. One Nation's Warren Pickering speaks of 'diplomatic ties' with the Coalition; a senior Liberal privately called it smoke and mirrors. Pauline Hanson, less patient, has already urged the Coalition to swallow its pride and work with One Nation to remove Labor. The election is less than seven weeks away, and the conversations that cannot happen in public will, by all historical reckoning, happen the morning after.
Victoria is heading toward an election on November 28 that most voters believe will produce a parliament no single party can control alone. Yet the two people who might lead the next government are pretending this is not happening.
Premier Ben Carroll was asked on Monday whether he would accept support from the Greens to stay in power if the numbers fell short. His answer was blunt: he would hand back the keys. A day later, opposition leader Jess Wilson faced the same question about One Nation. She refused to engage with it at all, insisting repeatedly that she was running to form a majority government and that the only arrangement she cared about was the existing coalition between the Liberals and Nationals. Two leaders, two different tones, same message: we will not negotiate with minor parties, because we will not need to.
The disconnect is stark. Nearly every opinion poll conducted over the past six months, including successive surveys by Resolve Political Monitor for The Age, suggests Victoria's next government will need support from other parties to run the state. A Resolve survey of 1,100 Victorians in May and June found that 45 per cent believed the two-party system was finished. Only 13 per cent disagreed. The rest were uncertain. Among One Nation voters, two out of three said the old binary choice was dead. Even 40 per cent of Labor voters agreed. Yet Carroll and Wilson continue to campaign as if majority government is inevitable.
Bob Brown, the former Greens leader who negotiated the 2010 minority government agreement between Julia Gillard's Labor and the Greens, says this is standard practice during campaigns. But he argues Victoria has reached a point where the premier and opposition leader owe voters a more honest conversation. "I think they do need to be mature enough to say if we don't have the numbers, we will work with the most like-minded parties or independents to form government," Brown told The Age. "That's not a difficult thing to do." He calls Carroll's position a "spoilsport approach"—refusing to accept the people's verdict and throwing back the keys rather than governing responsibly with the hand voters have dealt.
Carroll disputes this. He said on Tuesday that he was being respectful to the electorate by making his intentions clear, comparing his stance to Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's position before the 2025 federal election. But the comparison does not hold. Albanese ruled out minority government when Labor was ahead in the polls. Carroll is doing so while trailing. The most likely outcome, according to polling analysis, is either a Coalition government supported by One Nation, or a Labor government supported by the Greens. Neither major party leader will say which arrangement they would accept.
Susan Davies, a former independent MP, knows how this actually works. After the shock 1999 state election result, she and two other independents held the balance of power. The morning after the election, Davies rang Joan Kirner, a former Labor premier she trusted, and asked for help. Kirner connected her with Peter Wellington, a Queensland MP who had supported the Beattie government in minority after One Nation surged in 1998. Before negotiating with either major party, the three independents wrote a charter setting out principles for better government: greater accountability, democratic reforms, and specific targets for rural Victoria, which had suffered under the previous Kennett government. That charter became the basis for their decision to support Steve Bracks's Labor. The resulting memorandum of understanding lasted until 2002, when Labor won a majority. It did not require the independents to vote as a bloc or support every government bill.
Davies says neither Carroll nor Wilson will admit what is coming because they cannot afford to. "The majors can't afford to speculate on that," she said. "They will never do it, so it's a pointless question to ask. They will never willingly say that they will form any sort of arrangement with any minor party. The reality is that when they see which way the vote goes, they will." Robert Hoffman, a politics lecturer at Swinburne University, notes that major parties give themselves wiggle room by ruling out a formal "coalition"—a signed power-sharing agreement. But there are other ways to govern: the Greens under Gillard supported Labor in exchange for policy commitments; in Tasmania, minor parties have accepted ministerial portfolios; most commonly, a minor party agrees to supply and confidence, meaning they will not bring down the government but retain freedom to vote on policy.
One Nation leader Warren Pickering says there are "diplomatic ties" between his party and the Coalition, though a senior Liberal, speaking anonymously, dismissed this as "smoke and mirrors." Pickering has ruled out supporting a minority Labor government and says One Nation will "work with whoever we must" to remove Labor. Pauline Hanson, impatient for negotiations to begin, told Channel Seven: "If it means that you actually have to put your tail between your legs and bloody work with One Nation to get rid of Labor in this state, then do it." For Wilson, that conversation has not yet begun. The election is less than seven weeks away.
Citazioni salienti
I think they do need to be mature enough to say if we don't have the numbers, we will work with the most like-minded parties or independents to form government.— Bob Brown, former Greens leader
The majors can't afford to speculate on that. They will never willingly say that they will form any sort of arrangement with any minor party. The reality is that when they see which way the vote goes, they will.— Susan Davies, former independent MP