In a decision that would mark a profound departure from decades of American legal tradition, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has announced plans to livestream the military execution of Maj. Nidal Hasan — the former army psychiatrist who killed 13 people at Fort Hood in 2009 — scheduled for December 3 at the site of the original attack. Should it proceed, the United States would join Iran and Afghanistan as the only nations that systematically conduct executions in public view, a practice most democracies abandoned in the last century. The move arrives against a backdrop of rising global exec
Livestreamed execution plan puts US alongside Iran, Taliban in rare practice
Only Iran and Afghanistan conduct public executions systematically
So Pete Hegseth wants to livestream an execution. That's genuinely unusual for the US, isn't it?
It would be the first public execution in America in many decades. The country largely stopped the practice in the 1930s. This would be a sharp reversal.
But I want to be careful here—Hegseth has said he intends to do this, but has he actually ordered it yet, or is this still a stated plan? The source says he "goes ahead with plans" and that he "has said" it would happen. Those are different things.
Fair point. He has the authority to decide how the execution is conducted, and he's made his preference clear. But you're right—it hasn't happened yet.
Who is being executed, and why does the location matter?
Maj. Nidal Hasan, a former army psychiatrist. He killed 13 people in an attack at Fort Hood in Texas in 2009. Hegseth wants the execution to happen at the same base, at the same time of day, using firearms—the same method Hasan used.
That's a choice with real symbolic weight. It's not just an execution; it's a kind of mirror or echo of the original crime.
And the livestream part—who would be watching?
Potentially millions. It would be broadcast to the public, not just observed by a small group of witnesses like the Timothy McVeigh execution in 2001.
The source doesn't actually specify the technical details—who would have access, what platform, whether it's live or recorded. We know Hegseth has said it would happen, but the mechanics aren't spelled out.
What countries actually do this now?
Only Iran and Afghanistan conduct public executions systematically. In 2025, the Taliban carried out six, and Iran conducted eleven. Saudi Arabia used to do it regularly—public beheadings in Riyadh—but appears to have stopped.
Why would a country do this? What's the purpose?
Experts say it serves different functions depending on context. If people don't trust the justice system, public execution can signal that criminals will be punished. But it's also a tool of terror—a way to intimidate populations and suppress dissent.
The source attributes that analysis to "legal experts and historians" but doesn't name them or cite specific work. It's a reasonable interpretation, but it's worth noting we're getting the framework secondhand.
The Islamic State did this too, didn't they?
Extensively. Between 2014 and 2019, they conducted thousands of public or videotaped executions—for everything from homosexuality to theft. They deliberately choreographed them as spectacles, broadcast them to terrorize enemies and attract new recruits.
So the US would be joining some very dark company.
That's the core of the story. The United States would be aligning itself with Iran, the Taliban, and historical militant groups in using public execution as a tool of state power.
Though I'd note: the source doesn't claim Hegseth's intent is identical to those regimes' intent. It's drawing a comparison based on the method, not necessarily the motivation. We don't have Hegseth's stated reasoning for why he wants to do this.
What's the global picture on executions right now?
2025 saw 2,707 executions worldwide—the highest number since 1981. More than 2,100 were in Iran. Amnesty International found that authorities are using capital punishment to assert state power and control dissent, especially in countries where governments are tightening their grip.
Can Hasan stop this from happening?
He can appeal within the civilian federal court system. Those appeals could delay the execution for years. The December 3 date isn't final.
Der Puls
- Pete Hegseth has announced plans to livestream the December 3 execution of Maj. Nidal Hasan, potentially broadcasting a killing to millions — a scale of public execution without precedent in modern American history.
- The decision would place the United States alongside Iran and Afghanistan, the only two countries that systematically execute people in public view, at a moment when global executions have hit their highest level since 1981.
- Legal experts warn the spectacle echoes the logic of authoritarian states and armed groups — from the Taliban's stadium shootings to ISIS's choreographed broadcast killings — where public death serves as political theater and a tool of social control.
- Hasan retains the right to appeal through civilian federal courts, meaning the December date could be delayed by years of judicial intervention, leaving the outcome genuinely uncertain.
- The announcement lands as Amnesty International records 2,707 executions worldwide in 2025 — a two-thirds surge from the prior year — with governments increasingly using capital punishment to consolidate power and silence dissent.
In a decision that would mark a profound departure from decades of American legal tradition, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has announced plans to livestream the military execution of Maj. Nidal Hasan — the former army psychiatrist who killed 13 people at Fort Hood in 2009 — scheduled for December 3 at the site of the original attack. Should it proceed, the United States would join Iran and Afghanistan as the only nations that systematically conduct executions in public view, a practice most democracies abandoned in the last century. The move arrives against a backdrop of rising global executions and a broader pattern in which governments deploy capital punishment as a visible assertion of state power — raising questions about what a society reveals of itself in the theater it chooses for justice.
Pete Hegseth, the US Defense Secretary, has announced plans to livestream the military execution of Maj. Nidal Hasan, the former army psychiatrist who killed 13 people in a 2009 attack at Fort Hood, Texas. The execution is scheduled for December 3 at the same base where the shooting occurred, and Hegseth has specified it will use firearms — mirroring Hasan's own method. If carried out as planned, it would be the first public execution in the United States in many decades, and would place the country alongside Iran and Afghanistan as the only nations that systematically conduct capital punishment in public view.
For most of the modern world, public execution is a relic. The US largely abandoned the practice in the 1930s. Saudi Arabia, after decades of public beheadings, has ended the tradition. Yet Iran and Afghanistan persist — in 2025 alone, the Taliban shot four men dead in crowded sports stadiums, while Iran conducted eleven public executions, including two young men hanged from cranes in Isfahan's central square. Human rights monitors have documented roughly thirty public executions in Iran over five years, with the pace accelerating amid civil unrest.
Historians and legal scholars note that public executions tend to flourish where state institutions are fragile or public trust in justice has eroded — serving both as spectacle and as a tool of terror. The Islamic State choreographed thousands of public or filmed killings between 2014 and 2019 as deliberate broadcast events designed to intimidate and recruit. Hamas livestreamed an execution on Facebook in 2017, and carried out another public killing in Gaza in October 2025.
The global context is stark. Amnesty International recorded 2,707 executions worldwide in 2025 — the highest total since 1981, a two-thirds increase from the previous year — with more than 2,100 in Iran alone. Amnesty found that governments across multiple jurisdictions had placed capital punishment at the center of tough-on-crime narratives, using executions to assert control and restrict civic space.
The last time Americans witnessed an execution was in 2001, when a limited group of survivors and victims' relatives watched Timothy McVeigh die by lethal injection for the Oklahoma City bombing — in person, not broadcast. What Hegseth is proposing is categorically different in scale and intent. Hasan still holds the right to appeal through civilian federal courts, a process that could delay the December date for years. But the Defense Secretary's stated intention signals a willingness to align American practice with regimes that have long used public death as an instrument of political power.
Pete Hegseth, the US defence secretary, is preparing to livestream an execution—a decision that would place the United States in the company of Iran and Afghanistan, the only two countries that systematically conduct capital punishment in public view. The condemned man is Maj. Nidal Hasan, a former army psychiatrist scheduled to die on December 3 at Fort Hood in Texas, the same military base where he opened fire in 2009, killing 13 people. Hegseth has stated plainly that the execution will occur at the location and time of the original attack, and will use firearms, mirroring the method Hasan employed.
For most of the modern world, public executions belong to history. The United States largely abandoned the practice in the 1930s. Saudi Arabia, after decades of public beheadings in Riyadh's squares and provincial cities, has ended the tradition. Yet Iran and Afghanistan persist. In 2025 alone, according to Amnesty International, the Taliban carried out six public executions—four men shot dead in crowded sports stadiums across three cities in April, all with claims that due process had been observed. Iran conducted eleven public executions that year, including two young men hanged in Isfahan's central square in July. Human rights monitors have documented roughly thirty public executions in Iran over the past five years, with the pace accelerating following civil unrest and conflict with the United States and Israel. Many Iranian hangings have used cranes as makeshift gallows.
Historians and legal experts point to different purposes served by public execution. When state institutions are fragile or public confidence in the criminal justice system wavers, authorities may resort to public spectacle to demonstrate that punishment will be swift and certain. The practice also functions as a tool of terror, a visible warning meant to suppress dissent and cow populations into compliance. Armed militant groups have weaponized public executions to assert dominance. The Islamic State, which controlled territory in Iraq and Syria between 2014 and 2019, conducted thousands of public or videotaped killings—for offences ranging from homosexuality to theft—deliberately choreographed as broadcast spectacles designed to terrorize enemies, intimidate potential dissidents, and attract new recruits to the cause. Hamas, seeking to reassert control over Gaza in October 2025, executed six men accused of collaborating with Israel in a public killing; the group had livestreamed a similar execution on Facebook in 2017.
The global trend is unmistakable. In 2025, Amnesty International recorded 2,707 executions worldwide, the highest total since 1981 and a two-thirds increase from the previous year. More than 2,100 of those executions occurred in Iran alone, marking its highest execution rate in decades. Amnesty's analysis found that authorities across multiple jurisdictions had placed capital punishment at the centre of narratives about public security and tough-on-crime governance, using executions to assert state power and consolidate political control. The pattern was most pronounced in countries where governments had tightened their grip by restricting civic space, silencing dissent, and disregarding international human rights protections.
Hasan's case carries particular weight. He was a serving officer, a psychiatrist in the US Army, when he carried out the 2009 attack. His execution would mark the first public capital punishment in the United States in many decades. The last time American civilians and officials were permitted to witness an execution was in 2001, when survivors and relatives of victims watched Timothy McVeigh die by lethal injection for the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing. That execution was not livestreamed; it was observed in person by a limited group. What Hegseth is proposing would broadcast the killing to an audience of potentially millions.
Hasan retains legal recourse. He can launch appeals within the civilian federal court system, a process that could delay his execution for years. The scheduled December date remains subject to judicial intervention. Yet the defence secretary's stated intention signals a willingness to depart from decades of American practice and align the country's capital punishment procedures with regimes that use public execution as an instrument of state power and control.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
Of course it would take place at the same time and in the same place as Hasan's attack 17 years ago and would use firearms, as Hasan did.— Pete Hegseth, US defence secretary, on plans for the execution
Authorities had placed the death penalty at the centre of flawed public security and 'tough on crime' narratives to assert control, project state power and score political points.— Amnesty International analysis of 2025 global execution trends