Latin America's Authoritarian Right Realigns With Israel as Global Isolation Deepens

Gaza war has killed over 70,000 people, nearly one-third children; 2009 offensive killed 1,400+ including 1,100 civilians.
Alignment with Israel becomes a way of saying: we are part of your world
Latin American authoritarians use closer ties to Israel to signal ideological kinship with the US and Western values.
Mark

Why would authoritarian governments in Latin America suddenly embrace Israel when so much of the world is pulling away?

Mimi

They're not embracing Israel in isolation—they're signaling alignment with the United States and a particular vision of Western civilization. For these governments, closer ties to Israel become a way of saying: we are part of your world, your values, your strategic interests.

Mark

But that seems like a risky bet. The Gaza war has killed 70,000 people. Doesn't that create domestic political pressure?

Mimi

It might, but these are governments that don't face the same electoral constraints as democracies. They can move quickly and decisively without waiting for public opinion to shift. And their base—the nationalist, conservative constituencies they represent—often shares the ideological framework that sees Israel as a civilizational ally.

Mark

What does Israel actually get out of this beyond votes at the UN?

Mimi

Legitimacy, for one thing. When you're isolated globally, having major countries restore or upgrade diplomatic ties is a concrete signal that you're not a pariah. But also practical partnerships: defense cooperation, intelligence sharing, technology transfer. These aren't symbolic—they're real strategic assets.

Mark

Is this sustainable? What happens if there's another major escalation in Gaza, or if these governments fall?

Mimi

That's the fragility of it. These relationships are entirely dependent on who's in power. Brazil under Lula maintains a critical stance. If a leftist government returns to Colombia or Chile, the entire alignment could reverse. Israel is buying time and legitimacy, but it's not buying permanence.

Mark

So Brazil is the real wildcard here?

Mimi

Exactly. Brazil has the demographic, economic, and political weight to be a genuine counterweight to the rightward shift. As long as Lula or someone with a similar orientation holds power there, Israel can't claim to have won over Latin America. It's won over a faction of it.

  • Colombia's new nationalist president reversed his predecessor's diplomatic break with Israel within days of taking office, announcing plans to move the embassy to Jerusalem and recognize Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights — a position shared only with the United States.
  • Venezuela, Bolivia, and Chile have each followed similar trajectories, with conservative successors rapidly undoing the ruptures their socialist predecessors had made in protest over Israeli military operations in Gaza and the West Bank.
  • Academics describe a coherent ideological pattern: these governments are using alignment with Israel to signal kinship with US foreign policy and to claim a place within a renewed discourse of Judeo-Christian Western civilization.
  • Israel, in turn, gains something it urgently needs — votes and legitimacy in multilateral forums like the United Nations — while offering Latin American partners expertise in cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, and defense technology.
  • Brazil and Mexico remain significant counterweights, with Lula's government maintaining sharp criticism of Israeli actions and Sheinbaum's Mexico demonstrating that diplomatic relations and moral dissent can coexist.
  • The realignment is real but fragile: built on political cycles rather than durable consensus, these partnerships are only as stable as the electoral fortunes of the leaders who forged them.

As Israel faces mounting international isolation over its military campaign in Gaza — a war that has claimed more than 70,000 lives — a countermovement is quietly reshaping the diplomatic map of Latin America. A wave of newly elected right-wing governments across the region is reversing years of socialist-led estrangements, restoring and deepening ties with Tel Aviv as a deliberate act of ideological positioning. These realignments, often announced within days of new leaders taking office, reflect not merely bilateral calculation but a broader contest over which vision of Western civilization will anchor Latin America's place in the world.

Israel finds itself increasingly isolated over its military operations in Gaza and the West Bank, yet in Latin America a different story is unfolding. A cohort of newly ascendant right-wing governments is moving swiftly to deepen ties with the Israeli state, reversing diplomatic breaks that had seemed, until recently, permanent.

The reversals are striking when measured against recent history. In 2009, Hugo Chávez expelled Israel's ambassador in protest over a military offensive in Gaza that killed more than 1,400 people. Seventeen years later, Venezuela and Israel have agreed to restore consular services — a limited but symbolically charged step. In Colombia, the new nationalist president took office on August 7 and almost immediately reversed his predecessor's decision to break ties over the current Gaza war, which has killed more than 70,000 people, nearly a third of them children. He has announced plans to relocate Colombia's embassy to Jerusalem and to recognize Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights — a position held, until now, only by the United States. Bolivia and Chile have followed similar paths, with conservative successors quickly restoring or reviving the ties their left-wing predecessors had severed.

Academics see a coherent ideological logic at work. These governments are linking closer ties to Israel with active alignment with US foreign policy and positioning themselves within a renewed discourse about Latin America's place in Judeo-Christian Western civilization. Argentina's Javier Milei has made the relationship a cornerstone of his political identity. The trend traces back to figures like Jair Bolsonaro and Nayib Bukele, early adopters who were followed by Milei and others, all embracing Netanyahu's national-conservative government.

The strategic calculus runs in both directions. For Latin American authoritarians, Israel alignment signals ideological kinship with Washington. For Israel, these partnerships offer international legitimacy and crucial votes in multilateral forums, alongside practical cooperation in cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, and defense.

The picture is not uniform. Brazil under Lula remains a major counterweight, maintaining sharp criticism of Israeli actions in Gaza. Mexico under Claudia Sheinbaum has chosen a middle path — criticizing Israeli conduct while keeping diplomatic relations intact. What makes this moment significant is the speed of the reversal: these are not incremental adjustments but fundamental shifts, often announced within days of new leaders taking office. Whether these bonds will hold depends entirely on who holds power in Latin America — and for how long.

Israel finds itself increasingly isolated across much of the world over its military operations in Gaza and the West Bank, yet in Latin America, a different story is unfolding. A cohort of newly ascendant right-wing governments in the region is moving swiftly to deepen ties with the Israeli state, reversing diplomatic breaks that seemed, until recently, permanent.

The reversal is striking when measured against recent history. In 2009, Hugo Chavez, then Venezuela's socialist president, expelled Israel's ambassador and severed relations in protest over a three-week military offensive in Gaza that killed more than 1,400 people, roughly 1,100 of them civilians. Seventeen years later, Venezuela and Israel have agreed to restore consular services—a limited but symbolically significant step that would have been unthinkable just months ago. In Colombia, the new nationalist president, Abelardo de la Espriella, took office on August 7 and almost immediately reversed his predecessor Gustavo Petro's decision to break diplomatic ties over the current Gaza war, which has killed more than 70,000 people, nearly a third of them children. De la Espriella has announced plans to relocate Colombia's embassy to Jerusalem and declared that Colombia will recognize Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, a position held by only the United States and now Colombia—despite the fact that international law, including UN consensus and German recognition, treats the territory as occupied Syrian land since 1967.

Bolivia's pattern mirrors the pattern elsewhere. The country's socialist government had severed ties with Israel after an Israeli bombardment of a displaced persons camp in Gaza in 2023. When conservative Rodrigo Paz took office in 2025, he quickly restored diplomatic relations. Chile's shift is equally stark: Gabriel Boric, the democratic socialist former president, was openly critical of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government. His successor, national conservative Jose Antonio Kast, is now working to revive defense cooperation between the two countries.

Academics studying the region see a coherent ideological pattern. Isaac Caro, a professor at Alberto Hurtado University in Chile, describes what he calls a "trend toward rapprochement with Israel as a response to the surge of the radical right in the region." These authoritarian governments, he argues, are linking closer ties to Israel with "an active alignment with US foreign policy" and positioning themselves within a renewed discourse of Latin America's place in Judeo-Christian Western civilization. Argentina's ultraconservative President Javier Milei has made close relations with Israel a cornerstone of both his foreign policy and his personal political identity. Daniel Wajner, an associate professor of international relations at Hebrew University, notes that the surge began earlier with figures like Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil's former neoliberal president, and Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, who calls himself the "world's coolest dictator." These early adopters were followed by Milei and others, all actively "embracing" Netanyahu's national-conservative government.

The strategic calculus runs both directions. For Latin American authoritarians, alignment with Israel signals ideological kinship with the United States and positions them within a particular vision of Western values. For Israel, these partnerships offer something it desperately needs: international legitimacy and support in multilateral forums like the United Nations, where Latin American votes have historically been crucial in countering isolation. Beyond diplomacy, both sides see practical gains. Israel offers expertise in cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, and defense technology. Latin American governments offer economic, technological, and military cooperation opportunities.

Yet the picture is not uniform across the region. Brazil, under President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, has maintained a highly critical stance toward Israeli actions in Gaza and the occupied West Bank. Gilberto Aranda, a political analyst from the University of Chile, notes that Brazil—the country with the most influence in the region—remains a major counterweight to the rightward shift. Mexico, under President Claudia Sheinbaum, has chosen a middle path: criticizing Israeli actions while maintaining diplomatic relations, demonstrating that criticism of Netanyahu's government does not automatically lead to a break in ties.

What makes this moment significant is the speed and scale of the reversal. These are not incremental adjustments but fundamental shifts in foreign policy, often announced within days of new leaders taking office. The relationships themselves are not new—they date back to Israel's founding in 1948 and encompass migration, trade, and security cooperation. But the political will to strengthen them, after years of socialist and center-left governments in the region had moved toward distance or rupture, represents a genuine realignment. Whether these bonds will hold depends entirely on who holds power in Latin America and when. For now, Israel has found willing partners in its moment of global isolation, but the foundation remains as unstable as the region's own political cycles.

There is a trend toward rapprochement with Israel as a response to the surge of the radical right in the region
— Isaac Caro, professor at Alberto Hurtado University in Chile
The country with the most influence in the region, which maintains a critical stance toward Israel, is clearly Brazil
— Gilberto Aranda, political analyst from the University of Chile
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