I have brought every single person you asked to the White House
Long before Joe Biden assumed the presidency, questions about the boundary between his public office and his son's private ventures were already taking shape in photographs, emails, and diary entries. Materials attributed to Hunter Biden's laptop now suggest that the elder Biden was not a distant figure in these dealings, but a present one — hosting foreign business partners at the Naval Observatory, traveling alongside them on government aircraft, and being invoked by his son as a source of access and leverage. The story is less about scandal in the abstract than about the ancient tension between family loyalty and public trust, and what happens when the two are allowed to blur.
- Photographs timestamped from November 2015 allegedly show Vice President Biden posing with Mexican billionaires and Hunter's business partners inside the official VP residence — directly contradicting his repeated denials of involvement.
- Hunter's own words, sent from Air Force Two's secure communications system, reveal he was actively trading on his father's name: arranging White House meetings, cabinet introductions, and government access in exchange for business relationships.
- The entanglement runs deeper than one country — Hunter was simultaneously juggling Ukrainian energy board payments and asking Mexican contacts to help a Burisma oligarch obtain a visa, with his father's influence hovering over every negotiation.
- Cooper's suggestion that a call from Joe Biden himself might 'shake things loose' captures the core allegation: that the vice president's proximity was not incidental but instrumental to his son's foreign business strategy.
- The White House has not addressed the specific photographic or documentary evidence, leaving the question of authenticity and accountability unresolved as the allegations continue to circulate.
Before Joe Biden became president, a persistent question followed him: how much did he know about his son's overseas business dealings? Materials recovered from Hunter Biden's laptop now offer a more pointed version of that question — not whether he knew, but whether he was present.
In November 2015, a breakfast was held at the Naval Observatory, the official vice presidential residence. The guest list included Hunter and four associates: Mexican billionaires Carlos Slim and Miguel Alemán Velasco, Velasco's son Miguel Aleman Magnani, and Jeff Cooper, a longtime Biden family ally who ran a major litigation firm. Photographs from that morning show Joe Biden posing with these men in the residence's living room. Hunter's diary, also found on the laptop, records more than 100 events at the Naval Observatory, many appearing to align with his business interests.
The business context is significant. Cooper and Hunter had been pursuing energy deals across Latin America, particularly in Mexico, where President Peña Nieto was opening the state oil monopoly Pemex to private investment. Cooper had written to Hunter years earlier about the Alemán family connection: 'This is setting up to be flippin gigantic brother.' By 2015, Hunter was earning roughly $80,000 annually from Cooper's venture capital firm, plus a one-time payment of $300,000.
In February 2016, Cooper joined Hunter aboard Air Force Two for a trip to Mexico City. An hour after takeoff, Hunter used the plane's secure satellite system to email Aleman Magnani — complaining that his outreach had been ignored despite years of arranging access. 'I have brought every single person you have ever asked me to bring to the F'ing White House and the Vice President's house,' he wrote. He also noted he had arranged meetings with the Secretary of Transportation and the FAA administrator on Magnani's behalf.
The same email reveals Hunter was simultaneously managing his Burisma board position in Ukraine, even asking Magnani to help resolve a visa problem for Burisma's owner so a deal could be finalized in Mexico. When that effort stalled, Cooper suggested that a direct call from Hunter's father might 'shake things loose.'
What the documents collectively describe is a pattern: Hunter using Air Force Two, the vice presidential residence, and access to cabinet officials as currency in foreign business negotiations. Whether Joe Biden explicitly sanctioned these arrangements or simply made himself available, the effect was the same — his son's overseas partners gained proximity to the highest levels of the U.S. government. The president has maintained he knew nothing of Hunter's foreign dealings. The laptop materials, if authentic, suggest the reality was considerably more complicated.
The question of what Joe Biden knew about his son's business dealings has shadowed his presidency since before he took office. Now, according to materials recovered from Hunter Biden's laptop, there is photographic and documentary evidence suggesting the president was not merely aware of these ventures—he participated in them directly.
In November 2015, when Joe Biden was vice president, a breakfast was scheduled at his official residence, the Naval Observatory in Washington. The guest list included Hunter and four of his business associates: Mexican billionaires Carlos Slim and Miguel Alemán Velasco, Velasco's son Miguel Aleman Magnani (founder of the budget airline Interjet), and Jeff Cooper, a longtime Biden family associate who ran a major asbestos-litigation firm. Photographs taken that morning at 10:03 and 10:04 a.m. show the vice president posing with these men in the residence's living room, with its distinctive daffodil-yellow walls and Wolf Kahn paintings visible behind them. The setting is unmistakable: a piano and family photographs frame the scene, along with the floral chairs and pink silk rug that decorated the space at the time.
This was not an isolated encounter. Hunter's diary, also found on the laptop, records more than 100 events scheduled at the Naval Observatory residence, many of which appear to align with his business interests. The breakfast that November morning was one of several occasions when Hunter's foreign business partners were invited to meet with the vice president at official residences and offices.
The business context matters. Cooper and Hunter had been working on energy deals across Latin America, with particular focus on Mexico. In early 2016, Mexico's president was reforming the country's energy market to allow private investment in the state-owned oil and gas monopoly Pemex—a potentially lucrative opportunity. Cooper had written to Hunter in 2013 about the Alemán family connection: "This is setting up to be flippin gigantic brother." By 2015, Hunter was receiving roughly $80,000 annually from a board position at Cooper's venture capital firm, Eudora Global, plus a one-time payment of $300,000 that year.
In February 2016, Cooper joined Hunter on Air Force Two for a trip to Mexico City. About an hour after takeoff from Joint Base Andrews, Hunter used the aircraft's secure satellite communications system to email Aleman Magnani. The message was plaintive and revealing. Hunter wrote that he was arriving that evening on Air Force Two to attend a meeting with President Peña Nieto and his father. He complained that Aleman Magnani had been ignoring him despite years of business discussions and despite Hunter having arranged access: "I have brought every single person you have ever asked me to bring to the F'ing White House and the Vice President's house and the inauguration." Hunter also noted that he had set up meetings for Aleman Magnani with the Secretary of Transportation and the FAA administrator—meetings that would be valuable for someone running an airline seeking to expand operations.
The same email reveals another layer of Hunter's activities. He was simultaneously involved with Burisma, a Ukrainian energy company paying him $83,333 to sit on its board. In 2014, Cooper had asked Hunter whether anyone from Burisma could attend meetings with Mexico's Secretary of Energy and the CEO of Pemex. Hunter later asked Aleman Magnani to help resolve a visa problem for Burisma's owner, Nikolai Zlochevskyi, so he could travel to Mexico to finalize a deal. When Aleman Magnani did not come through, Hunter emailed Cooper in February 2015 that the situation "jeopardizes my board position" at Burisma. Cooper's response suggested that the Alemán family "clearly value the relationship with your family" and wondered whether a call from Hunter's father might "shake things loose."
The pattern that emerges from these documents is one of Hunter leveraging his family name and access—Air Force Two, the vice president's residence, meetings with cabinet secretaries—to advance business interests. Whether the vice president explicitly endorsed these ventures or simply made himself available for meetings with his son's associates, the effect was the same: Hunter's foreign business partners gained access to high-level U.S. government officials. The president has consistently maintained he knew nothing of Hunter's overseas dealings. The laptop evidence, if authentic, suggests a more complicated picture.
Notable Quotes
This is setting up to be flippin gigantic brother— Jeff Cooper to Hunter Biden in 2013, regarding Mexican business opportunities
I have brought every single person you have ever asked me to bring to the F'ing White House and the Vice President's house and the inauguration— Hunter Biden to Miguel Aleman Magnani in February 2016
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does it matter if Biden attended a breakfast with Mexican businessmen? Couldn't that just be a family event?
Because Hunter was actively using that access to advance business deals. The photos aren't just social—they're evidence of leverage. When Hunter later tells a Mexican businessman he's brought "every single person you asked" to the White House, he's trading on proximity to power.
But did the vice president know what Hunter was doing? Did he knowingly help?
That's the question the documents can't fully answer. What they show is that Hunter was using his father's position and residence as a business asset. Whether Biden explicitly enabled it or simply made himself available is different—but the result for Hunter's partners was the same.
What about the Air Force Two email? That seems like the smoking gun.
It shows Hunter leveraging the aircraft itself—using its secure communications to contact business partners while traveling with his father to meet with a foreign president. He's essentially saying: I have access you need. But again, it doesn't prove Biden knew Hunter was sending that email or what it contained.
So why publish this now, years later?
Because Biden has denied any involvement in Hunter's business dealings. These documents suggest at minimum that he was present at meetings with Hunter's associates, and at most that his position was being used as a business tool. The public deserves to know what the evidence actually shows, not what either side claims it shows.