She collected the money. She never showed up to work.
Jessica R. admitted receiving monthly salaries from two public transport companies for positions she never actually performed, raising questions about phantom employment schemes. Investigators allege Ábalos's associates paid her apartment rent and arranged her employment as part of a broader corruption scheme involving public contract favoritism.
- Jessica R. was paid 1,060 euros monthly by Ineco for two years without performing any work
- Her Madrid apartment rent of 88,000 euros over three years was paid by associates of the alleged scheme
- She accompanied Ábalos on 16 official ministerial trips while he was transportation minister
- Businessmen Sallés and Ruz denied paying commissions, contradicting allegations by Aldama
José Luis Ábalos's ex-partner testified she was paid by public companies under his ministry despite never working there, while businessmen denied paying commissions to the former minister's circle.
Jessica R. walked into Spain's Supreme Court on Thursday visibly shaken, preparing to answer questions about a life that, on paper, looked like one thing and in practice was something else entirely. She had been employed by two public companies under the Transportation Ministry—Ineco and Tragsasec—and received monthly paychecks for two years. She never showed up to work. She never worked remotely. She simply collected the money.
The woman, ex-partner of former minister José Luis Ábalos, was testifying in an investigation led by Judge Leopoldo Puente into whether Ábalos had steered public contracts to favored companies in exchange for kickbacks. Her employment at these firms, investigators believed, was part of a larger pattern: phantom jobs created to funnel money through the state apparatus. She admitted under oath that she had no idea Ineco and Tragsasec were even public companies when she signed on. She learned that only now, in court.
Her account of how she got these positions was straightforward and damning in its simplicity. Joseba García, brother of Ábalos's former adviser Koldo García, had managed the contracts. At Ineco, she was hired as an administrative assistant to Joseba. He told her he would call when he needed her. The call never came. For two years, she collected 1,060 euros monthly. When her contract at Ineco was set to expire in early 2021, a chain of messages passed between her, Ábalos, and Koldo. The minister forwarded her notice to his adviser with a simple instruction: move her somewhere else, then bring her back. Within a week, she was signed to Tragsasec for six months. She acknowledged to the judge that she entered that company directly after this exchange of calls and messages.
The apartment in Madrid's Plaza de España was another piece of the puzzle. Ábalos had told her to stop sharing a house with friends and find a place of her own. She chose this location for its proximity to Ferraz—the Socialist Party headquarters—and to the university where she was studying. She selected apartments she liked and reported back to Ábalos. Koldo García then contacted her, instructing her to meet with "a certain Alberto" during a viewing. That Alberto turned out to be Luis Alberto Escolano, a business partner of the alleged schemer Víctor de Aldama. The apartment cost 88,000 euros over three years. Escolano's company paid most of it. Koldo García, his brother Joseba, and even Joseba's young daughter—who was one year old at the time—also contributed to the rent. When problems arose with the apartment, Escolano was her point of contact. If he didn't respond, she was to tell Koldo.
She testified that she did not know who was actually paying for the apartment, though she imagined it was Ábalos, working through Koldo. The judge also noted that investigators had documented her presence on sixteen official ministerial trips while Ábalos held office—to London, Moscow, Abu Dhabi, and Seville among others. She acknowledged accompanying him on many journeys, explaining that Koldo arranged the logistics and Ábalos reimbursed her afterward.
Her testimony created fractures in the accounts given by others. Ábalos had admitted to a romantic relationship with her but denied involvement in the apartment arrangement, claiming his former adviser had handled it. Koldo García said he had known her for years and asked Escolano for help finding her housing—a place that could also serve as a meeting venue, something she flatly denied ever happened. Koldo distanced himself from her employment contracts, saying his brother Joseba had brought her in as someone he could trust.
Two businessmen called to testify that day—Manuel Sallés and José Ruz—denied allegations made by Aldama that they had paid commissions to Ábalos's circle in exchange for public contracts. Sallés, who ran Instalibero District, had briefly employed Koldo García after he left the ministry in July 2021, paying him over 20,000 euros. Aldama claimed Sallés had paid kickbacks following a 1.8 million euro contract with the postal service. Sallés rejected this. Ruz, who directed Levantina Ingeniería y Construcción, acknowledged knowing Koldo and knowing Ábalos only by sight as fellow Valencians. He denied Aldama's claims but admitted hiring him once to recover a five million euro debt from a Panama business deal, with Aldama taking twenty percent. The contradictions between what Aldama alleged and what witnesses denied suggested the investigation remained tangled, with competing versions of who paid whom and why.
Citas Notables
She was hired as an administrative assistant but was told she would be called when needed—and that call never came— Jessica R.'s testimony about her employment at Ineco
Move her somewhere else and then bring her back— Ábalos's instruction to Koldo García regarding Jessica R.'s employment, per intercepted messages
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Why does it matter that she never actually worked at these companies if she was being paid anyway?
Because it suggests the payments weren't for labor—they were for something else. A way to move money through state machinery without leaving obvious traces. It's the structure of the scheme that's damning.
Did she know what was happening to her?
That's the harder question. She admits she didn't know these were public companies. She says Koldo arranged things, Ábalos approved them. Whether she understood she was part of a corruption network or just accepted convenient employment—that's less clear from her testimony.
What about the apartment?
It's the same pattern. Multiple people contributing to her rent, all connected to the alleged scheme. She picks the place, they pay for it. She doesn't ask who or why. Or she asks and gets vague answers.
Did the other witnesses help the investigation?
Not really. The businessmen denied everything Aldama said they did. So now the judge has Aldama saying one thing, these witnesses saying another, and Jessica R. confirming pieces of it but not all of it. The truth is scattered across contradictory accounts.
What happens next?
The judge keeps taking testimony, looking for documents, trying to find where the money actually came from and where it went. But with witnesses denying, contradicting each other, and some accounts changing—it's slow work.