For decades, the question of a Palestinian state has lived in the space between aspiration and negotiation — but Israel's current government is working to close that space permanently. In the occupied West Bank, construction of settlements is accelerating at a pace and in locations that international law prohibits, with officials openly declaring their aim is to render Palestinian statehood physically impossible before any political winds might shift. What is unfolding is not merely a housing policy but a deliberate reordering of geography as a substitute for diplomacy — the ancient human impu
Israel accelerates West Bank settlement expansion, drawing global condemnation
My life's mission is to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state
Why does E1 matter more than the other settlements? There are 160 of them already.
Because of where it sits. E1 would cut the West Bank in half—literally separate the north from the south. You couldn't have a Palestinian state if you can't move between its own regions. It's the difference between scattered outposts and a chokehold.
And the government knows this?
They're explicit about it. Smotrich said his mission is to make Palestinian statehood impossible. This isn't accidental or incidental. It's the stated goal.
Why now? Why accelerate after decades of restraint?
Netanyahu came back to power in 2022 with a coalition that includes settlers. Then October 2023 happened, and the political space shifted. International pressure weakened. The government saw an opening.
What about the roads? That seems like a separate thing.
It's not. The roads connect the settlements to each other and to Israel proper. They also cut Palestinian communities apart. It's infrastructure for control—making the occupation permanent and physical, not just administrative.
Can a future government undo this?
That's the bet. Once you've built 1,200 homes and paved roads and established facts on the ground, reversing it becomes politically impossible. The next government inherits a different reality.
What are Palestinians supposed to do?
Abbas asked the international community to intervene. But condemnation without enforcement is just words. The construction is happening now.
The Pulse
- Israel has opened tenders for 1,200 homes in E1, a strategically critical corridor east of Jerusalem that would, if built, effectively sever the West Bank in two and cut East Jerusalem off from the rest of Palestinian territory.
- The pace of construction has surged dramatically since 2022, with satellite imagery confirming hundreds of new buildings and roads spreading across Palestinian land — and the Gaza war has only accelerated the momentum.
- Finance Minister Smotrich has funneled over $360 million into new road infrastructure explicitly designed to entrench Israeli control, while settler violence — including water and power cutoffs to Palestinian homes — has drawn condemnation even from the U.S. ambassador.
- The UN has called the E1 plans an existential threat to Palestinian statehood, and five Western democracies have labeled the expansion unacceptable, but Palestinian Authority President Abbas warns that words without enforcement change nothing on the ground.
- With Israeli elections approaching, the coalition is racing to sign construction contracts before a potential change in government, calculating that physical facts — roads poured, homes built, outposts legalized — will outlast any political transition.
For decades, the question of a Palestinian state has lived in the space between aspiration and negotiation — but Israel's current government is working to close that space permanently. In the occupied West Bank, construction of settlements is accelerating at a pace and in locations that international law prohibits, with officials openly declaring their aim is to render Palestinian statehood physically impossible before any political winds might shift. What is unfolding is not merely a housing policy but a deliberate reordering of geography as a substitute for diplomacy — the ancient human impulse to settle a question by settling the land.
Benjamin Netanyahu stood in a West Bank settlement last September and declared plainly that there would be no Palestinian state. Last month, his government followed words with action, opening tenders for roughly 1,200 new homes in E1 — a stretch of land east of Jerusalem that Israel has long controlled but avoided building on, precisely because of its explosive strategic significance. The United Nations called the plans an existential threat to Palestinian statehood. Five major Western democracies called them unacceptable, warning the construction would drive a wedge through the West Bank. The condemnations were swift. The construction continues.
Since Netanyahu returned to power in 2022 leading a coalition aligned with settler interests, the pace of building has sharpened considerably. Satellite analysis shows nearly 185 new structures in the settlement of Tzofim alone since that year. Around other settlements, new roads and outposts have spread across surrounding Palestinian land in multiple directions. Across the territory, Israel has built approximately 160 settlements housing 700,000 people since 1967 — but the tempo has quickened further since the Gaza war began in October 2023.
E1 is different from other expansion sites because of what its development would accomplish geographically. Building there would effectively split the West Bank in two, severing East Jerusalem from the rest of the territory and making a contiguous Palestinian state — one connecting Ramallah, East Jerusalem, and Bethlehem — functionally impossible. The Israeli organization Peace Now, which has challenged the plans in court, believes the government is deliberately racing to sign contracts before October elections, betting that construction already underway would be far harder for any successor government to reverse.
Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who now oversees much of the West Bank's civilian administration, has channeled over $360 million into new road construction explicitly designed to entrench Israeli control. These roads connect settlements while bisecting Palestinian towns, fragmenting communities and complicating daily life. Smotrich has been candid about the purpose: ensuring that settlements are established on the ground, not merely on paper, and that sovereignty follows infrastructure.
The human cost has grown harder to look away from. Settlers have besieged Palestinian homes, cutting water and electricity — violence severe enough that the U.S. ambassador, typically a vocal supporter of Israeli settlement policy, condemned one attack as criminal and terrorist. Hundreds of outposts illegal under both Israeli and international law have been established since the 1990s, with dozens retroactively legalized by the current government.
Senior officials no longer soften their language about what they are doing or why. The strategy is explicit: create physical, irreversible facts on the ground before political circumstances can change. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has called on condemning nations to move from words to concrete measures. Whether they will remains, for now, unanswered — while the roads are poured and the foundations are laid.
Benjamin Netanyahu stood in a West Bank settlement last September and said the words plainly: "We are going to fulfill our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us." He was signing an agreement to expand construction in E1, a stretch of land just east of Jerusalem that Israel has avoided building on for decades, despite controlling it since 1967. Last month, the government opened tenders for roughly 1,200 new homes on that same strategically vital territory. The announcement triggered swift condemnation from the United Nations, which called the plans an "existential threat" to Palestinian statehood, and from five major Western democracies—the UK, France, Germany, Italy, and Canada—who called the expansion "unacceptable" and warned it would "drive a wedge through the West Bank."
The speed of settlement growth has become difficult to ignore. Since Netanyahu returned to power in 2022 at the head of a right-wing coalition aligned with settler interests, construction has accelerated sharply. Satellite imagery analyzed by BBC Verify shows roughly 185 new buildings erected in the settlement of Tzofim since 2022 alone. Around Kochav Hashahar, the existing settlement has expanded in multiple directions, with new roads, houses, and outposts spreading across surrounding Palestinian land. Across the territory, Israel has built approximately 160 settlements housing 700,000 Jews since 1967. But the pace has quickened further since the Gaza war began in October 2023.
What makes E1 different is its geography and what it would accomplish. The proposed development would effectively split the West Bank in two, isolating East Jerusalem from the rest of the territory and cutting the north from the south. This fragmentation would make it nearly impossible to establish a contiguous Palestinian state—the kind that could connect Ramallah, East Jerusalem, and Bethlehem into a functioning political entity. Peace Now, an Israeli organization that opposes settlements and has challenged the plans in court, believes the government is rushing to sign contracts with construction companies before October elections, calculating that a future government would find it far harder to reverse work already underway.
The expansion goes beyond settlements themselves. Bezalel Smotrich, the finance minister and a far-right ideologue, now oversees much of the West Bank's civilian administration. Under his watch, the government has funded over a billion shekels—roughly $360 million—in new road construction, explicitly designed to "strengthen their grip on the territory." These roads connect settlements but slice through Palestinian towns and villages, fragmenting communities and making daily life harder for Palestinians caught between them. Smotrich has stated openly that this infrastructure ensures settlements "will not remain on paper—but will be established on the ground."
The human toll has become visible. In recent months, settlers have besieged Palestinian homes, cutting off water and electricity. The violence was severe enough that Mike Huckabee, the U.S. ambassador and typically a vocal supporter of Israeli settlement, denounced one such attack as a "criminal and terrorist act." Hundreds of outposts—illegal under both Israeli and international law—have been established since the 1990s, and dozens have been retroactively legalized by the government.
Senior Israeli officials no longer hide the intent. In 2024, Smotrich said the E1 construction would help "establish sovereignty in Judea and Samaria"—the Israeli term for the occupied West Bank—"first on the ground and then through legislation." He added: "My life's mission is to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state." The strategy is explicit: create physical, irreversible facts on the ground that no future government could easily undo. Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian Authority, has called on the countries that condemned the plans to take "concrete measures" to stop them, but enforcement remains uncertain.
The timing matters. Elections in Israel are approaching, and Netanyahu's coalition hopes that aggressive settlement expansion will energize their base. If they lose power, they may calculate that the construction already underway—the roads, the homes, the outposts—will bind the next government's hands. Either way, the strategy is the same: make Palestinian statehood impossible by making the territory itself impossible to govern as a unified state.
Notable Quotes
We are going to fulfill our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us.— Benjamin Netanyahu, September 2025
My life's mission is to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state.— Bezalel Smotrich, Finance Minister, 2024