In Iraq, a generation of women's rights activists is waging a quiet, dangerous campaign against sexual violence — armed with smartphones, court filings, and decades of persistence. They work in a legal and social landscape that offers perpetrators shelter and survivors silence, where reporting an assault means running a gauntlet of family shame, police indifference, and courts that can free a rapist through marriage. One prominent advocate was murdered in Baghdad last March; others live under death threats. What these women are defending is not merely legal reform, but the possibility that Ira
Iraqi women activists face death threats while fighting sexual violence
If all of us get scared, no-one will change anything
Why does Sarah Jassim keep posting these videos when it puts her in such danger?
Because she sees the camera as the only weapon available. Without it, there's no evidence, no shame, no consequence. One video led to an arrest. That matters.
But how many arrests? The reporting mentions one policeman. We don't know if that's typical or exceptional.
What's stopping the courts from protecting these women?
The laws themselves are part of the problem. There's no explicit crime called harassment or gender-based violence in the penal code. And there are laws that actually protect rapists—if they marry the victim, they can escape prosecution.
That's what the UN committee says should be repealed. But we don't know if Iraq's government is moving toward that or away from it.
Why did Yanar Mohammed get killed?
She ran shelters for abused women and was a visible advocate. The UN says she received years of death threats from extremist religious militia. But the perpetrators were never caught.
So we know she was threatened, we know she was killed, but we don't actually know who did it or why with certainty.
Is the police force part of the problem or part of the solution?
Both, apparently. Women are afraid to report to police because officers themselves are accused of harassment. The interior ministry says those cases are rare and punished harshly. But women don't believe that.
The ministry says three hundred reports of sexual violence since the start of the year. That's a number, but it's also an admission that the real number is much higher. We're looking at a massive gap between reported and actual cases.
What would actually change things?
Stronger laws that name these crimes explicitly. Shelters. A justice system that listens instead of telling women to stay quiet. Edwar says they're going backward, not forward.
After fifty years of advocacy, that's her assessment. But we don't have data on whether attacks on activists are actually rising or just feel that way. The reporting says activists say they're rising, but there's no independent count.
Il Polso
- Activists who document street harassment on social media face death threats, acid attack threats, and legal accusations for simply encouraging women to speak — forcing some to confine themselves to their homes.
- Iraqi law contains no explicit prohibition of harassment or gender-based violence, and provisions allowing rapists to marry victims or receive reduced sentences for 'honor killings' remain on the books.
- A mother has spent five years in court with medical and DNA evidence of her daughter's rape, yet her ex-husband remains a fugitive, her family abandoned her, and she cannot afford the lawyers he hired.
- Yanar Mohammed, the activist who built Iraq's few shelters for abused women, was shot dead outside her Baghdad home in March; experts link the killing to years of threats from extremist religious militia.
- Police acknowledge receiving roughly three hundred sexual violence reports this year while admitting the true number is vastly higher — suppressed by social customs that tell survivors to settle quietly at every door they approach.
In Iraq, a generation of women's rights activists is waging a quiet, dangerous campaign against sexual violence — armed with smartphones, court filings, and decades of persistence. They work in a legal and social landscape that offers perpetrators shelter and survivors silence, where reporting an assault means running a gauntlet of family shame, police indifference, and courts that can free a rapist through marriage. One prominent advocate was murdered in Baghdad last March; others live under death threats. What these women are defending is not merely legal reform, but the possibility that Iraqi women might one day move through the world without fear.
On a Baghdad street, a woman confronts a man for indecent exposure while a phone records everything. The footage lands on Instagram, posted by activist Sarah Jassim, who has made documentation her method — using video as evidence for lawsuits and as a tool of public shame. One clip led to the arrest of a policeman accused of harassing schoolgirls. The price has been steep: death threats, threats of acid attacks, and accusations of inciting indecency for urging women to speak. Jassim now rarely leaves home.
The legal system provides little refuge. Iraq's penal code has no explicit terms for harassment or gender-based violence. A UN committee reported in May that abuse is widespread and under-reported, and called on authorities to repeal laws allowing rapists to escape punishment by marrying their victims and permitting reduced sentences for honor killings. One woman, Amal, has spent five years in court after her ex-husband raped their teenage daughter at gunpoint. She has medical records and DNA evidence. Her ex-husband remains a fugitive, hired multiple lawyers while she could afford none, and her own family turned away from her. She has lost faith in the courts.
Beyond the courtroom, survivors face isolation and nowhere to go. Iraq has very few shelters for abused women — most were built by Yanar Mohammed, a prominent advocate who was murdered outside her Baghdad home last March by armed men. Experts working for the UN Human Rights Council noted she had received years of threats believed to come from extremist religious militia. Fellow activist Hanaa Edwar, who saw Mohammed two days before her death and has herself been threatened, is blunt: 'There are no laws, no protection, and no justice for women in Iraq.'
The human rights observer Mustafa Saadoon describes the systemic failure as a series of closed doors: family, police station, courtroom — at each one, a woman is likely told to settle quietly. A woman named Samira describes being followed by a car for ten minutes and having pornography thrust in her face on public transport. When she found a police car and reported the pursuit, officers said they had no authority to act. She tells none of this to her family, knowing they would simply forbid her from leaving home. Iraq's interior ministry spokesman acknowledged that police harassment cases do occur but called them rare, and suggested women post on social media because it is easier than filing official reports.
Edwar, who has advocated for women for over fifty years, says Iraq appears to be moving backward since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime. Yet she and Jassim refuse to stop. The activists continue pushing for laws that explicitly criminalize harassment, for shelters, and for a justice system built to deter abusers rather than silence the women who survive them. 'If all of us are going to get scared,' Jassim says, 'no-one will change anything.'
On a Baghdad street, a woman's phone captures a man resisting as she confronts him over indecent exposure and harassment. The video ends up on Instagram, posted by Sarah Jassim, a women's rights activist who has made it her work to document sexual abuse on behalf of Iraqi women too afraid or too constrained by social pressure to come forward themselves. Jassim frames the camera as a tool—evidence for potential lawsuits, or at minimum, a way to expose perpetrators to public shame. One of her posted videos led to the arrest of a policeman accused of harassing schoolgirls. But the cost of this work has been severe. Jassim has received death threats and threats of acid attacks. She has been accused of inciting public indecency simply for encouraging women to speak in a society built on their silence. She now spends most of her time at home, rarely venturing out, playing with her dog.
The legal landscape in Iraq offers little protection. The penal code contains no explicit terms for harassment or gender-based violence. A UN committee on discrimination against women reported in May that violence against women and girls in Iraq is widespread and under-reported, and urged authorities to repeal laws that allow rapists to escape punishment by marrying their victims, or that permit reduced sentences for so-called honor killings. For women seeking justice, the path is long and uncertain. A woman named Amal has been in court for about five years after her ex-husband repeatedly raped their daughter at gunpoint when the girl was under eighteen. Amal has medical documents and DNA evidence supporting her account. She recalls her daughter describing how the father placed his weapon on the bed and told her, "No-one will hear you if I kill you." The girl had bruises around her wrists from being held down, and her mouth was covered when she tried to scream. Amal rushed to police to report the assault, but her ex-husband is now on the run, and the case remains open. Amal could not afford legal representation while her ex-husband hired several lawyers. Her family turned away from her. She has lost faith that any court will rule in her favor.
The obstacles women face extend far beyond the courtroom. Many survivors have no independent income and nowhere to go. Iraq has very few shelters for abused women. Those that exist were established by Yanar Mohammed, an internationally recognized women's rights advocate who was murdered outside her house in Baghdad last March by armed men. The perpetrators remain unknown. Experts working for the UN Human Rights Council wrote in April that Mohammed had been receiving death threats and online abuse for years, believed to come from extremist religious militia. Other activists report that targeted attacks on their colleagues have been rising. Hanaa Edwar, another prominent women's rights activist, saw Mohammed just two days before she was killed. Edwar herself has been threatened. "There are no laws, no protection, and no justice for women in Iraq," she tells the BBC.
Mustafa Saadoon, head of the Iraqi Observatory for Human Rights, describes the systemic failure plainly: a woman who reports sexual violence must first get past her family, then a police station, then a court, and at each door someone is likely to tell her to settle it quietly. A woman named Samira describes the constant edge of walking in the street after repeated harassment. Once, a man displayed pornography on his phone in her face on public transport. In another incident, a man followed her in his car for over ten minutes. When she found a police car and reported what had happened, the officers told her they had no authority to act. Samira does not tell her family about these incidents because she knows they will respond by forbidding her to leave home. Many women the BBC spoke to accused police themselves of sexual harassment. When asked about this, Muqdad Miri, spokesman for Iraq's interior ministry, acknowledged that cases involving police personnel do occur but claimed they are very few and result in harsh punishment—up to ten years in prison and dismissal. He suggested that women post on social media because it is easier than filing an official report, and because it has become a common way to draw attention to causes. Police have received about three hundred reports of sexual violence since the beginning of the year, Miri said, but he acknowledged that the real number is far higher because many cases never reach authorities due to social customs and traditions.
The picture that emerges from these accounts is of a struggle not only against sexual violence itself but against deeply entrenched mentalities and social beliefs that allow it to persist. Edwar, who has been advocating for women's causes for over fifty years, offers a gloomy assessment: twenty-three years after Saddam Hussein's regime fell, it seems Iraq is moving backward on women's rights. Yet both she and Jassim say they refuse to stop. "If all of us are going to get scared, no-one will change anything," Jassim says. The activists continue to push for stricter laws that explicitly criminalize harassment and gender-based violence, for protection, and for a system built to deter abusers rather than silence survivors.
Citazioni salienti
Your camera is your weapon. It's a way to document evidence in case a woman decides to sue her harasser, or at least it is a means to shame him.— Sarah Jassim, women's rights activist
There are no laws, no protection, and no justice for women in Iraq.— Hanaa Edwar, women's rights activist
A woman who reports sexual violence has to get past her family first, then a police station, then a court, and at every one of those doors someone is likely to tell her to settle it quietly.— Mustafa Saadoon, head of the Iraqi Observatory for Human Rights