In Iran, the ancient contest between authority and conscience has taken a new form: women moving through city streets without headscarves, filming themselves, and broadcasting their defiance to thousands, even as courts sentence a singer to lashes for appearing bareheaded on a livestream. The regime, stretched thin by war and economic collapse, enforces its dress codes unevenly — closing cafes one week, hesitating to sweep the streets the next — while its own president quietly wonders aloud whether laws can truly change what people believe. This is not merely a dispute over cloth; it is a reck
Iranian women defy hardline push to enforce hijab amid economic crisis
They still don't dare say anything to people on the street.
Why is the hijab enforcement question resurfacing now, when Iran is dealing with war and economic collapse?
Because hardliners see it as foundational to their vision of the state. When the regime is under pressure externally, some officials believe reasserting control over daily life—what women wear, how they move through public space—reasserts sovereignty. It's a way of saying: we still control the culture, even if we're struggling elsewhere.
But the government seems reluctant to actually enforce it. Why?
The regime is stretched thin. They're managing a conflict, an economic crisis, reorganizing security forces. A mass crackdown on women's dress would require resources and political capital they may not want to spend right now. And they've learned from the Mahsa Amini protests that heavy-handed enforcement can backfire.
The motorcycle videos seem almost playful. Are these women not afraid?
Some are, some aren't. The videos work because they're distributed through social media, which creates a kind of safety in numbers. One woman riding without a headscarf is vulnerable. Dozens of women posting videos of the same act makes it harder to target individuals. It's a form of collective defiance.
President Pezeshkian seems to be on the women's side here. Is he?
He's questioning the utility of coercion, which is different. He's saying laws can't manufacture belief. But that's a pragmatic argument, not necessarily a principled one. He's not saying the hijab shouldn't be worn—he's saying force won't work. That's a crack in the hardline position, but it's not the same as solidarity.
What does the woman in her sixties mean when she says "we never thought they would be able to force us"?
She's remembering 1979. Before the revolution, Iran had a secular government that discouraged the hijab. Women thought that was permanent. Then the revolution happened, and within months, the hijab became mandatory. She's saying: don't assume what seems impossible now can't be reversed. The regime has surprised people before.
Le Pouls
- Hardline clerics and politicians are pressing the government to restore strict hijab enforcement after months of relative laxity during wartime, raising the stakes for millions of Iranian women.
- Singer Parastoo Ahmadi and eight colleagues were sentenced to 74 lashes and a two-year travel ban simply for appearing with uncovered hair during a YouTube livestream — a reminder that selective enforcement can land with devastating force.
- Young women are pushing back visibly and collectively, organizing motorcycle convoys through Tehran, Isfahan, and Shiraz without headscarves and broadcasting the footage on social media to audiences of thousands.
- The government's response is fractured: businesses are shuttered, prosecutors issue warnings, and hardliners escalate their rhetoric, yet a full street-level crackdown has not materialized as the regime juggles conflict, economic crisis, and internal reorganization.
- Even within the establishment, voices of doubt are emerging — President Pezeshkian has publicly questioned whether laws can change behavior, and former lawmakers argue that inflation, not hemlines, should command the government's attention.
- The outcome hangs in genuine uncertainty, shadowed by the memory of Mahsa Amini's death and the brutal suppression of the Woman Life Freedom movement — a warning that hesitation today does not guarantee restraint tomorrow.
In Iran, the ancient contest between authority and conscience has taken a new form: women moving through city streets without headscarves, filming themselves, and broadcasting their defiance to thousands, even as courts sentence a singer to lashes for appearing bareheaded on a livestream. The regime, stretched thin by war and economic collapse, enforces its dress codes unevenly — closing cafes one week, hesitating to sweep the streets the next — while its own president quietly wonders aloud whether laws can truly change what people believe. This is not merely a dispute over cloth; it is a reckoning over who holds the power to define a nation's soul, and whether that power, once contested, can ever be fully reclaimed.
For months during Iran's conflict with the United States, the hijab rule seemed to loosen its grip. Women appeared without headscarves at pro-government rallies and in state media without consequence. The authorities had larger fires to manage. But in recent weeks, conservative clerics and politicians have begun pressing hard again, demanding a return to strict enforcement of what they call public modesty.
The regime's response has been uneven. Authorities closed at least seven cafes and restaurants in Tehran in a single July day, and South Khorasan Province shut down ten establishments on similar grounds. The Tehran Prosecutor's office announced it would pursue cases of indecency at businesses selling garments officials deem inappropriate. Yet despite this pressure, many women are openly defying the rules, and the government appears reluctant to mount a full crackdown — preoccupied as it is with managing the fallout from conflict, economic collapse, and a reshuffled security apparatus.
The defiance is organized and visible. Young women have posted videos of themselves riding motorcycles without headscarves through Tehran, Isfahan, and Shiraz. One Instagram account celebrated what it called the largest female motorcycle event in Isfahan, with roughly twenty riders. These are coordinated acts of resistance, broadcast to thousands — made more pointed by the fact that the government has still not fulfilled its promise to issue motorcycle licenses to women at all.
Where enforcement does land, it lands hard. Singer Parastoo Ahmadi and eight members of her team were sentenced to seventy-four lashes and a two-year travel ban for appearing with bare shoulders and uncovered hair during a 2024 YouTube livestream. Hardline officials have amplified their warnings, with one Friday prayer leader claiming organized efforts to promote nudity, and the editor of Kayhan declaring enforcement both a legal obligation and a religious duty.
Resistance to this push comes from unexpected quarters. President Masoud Pezeshkian publicly questioned whether laws can actually change behavior, noting that his own daughter sometimes disagreed with him and he did not force her compliance. A former parliamentarian argued that officials should focus on inflation rather than dress codes. The legal architecture for enforcement exists — Article 638 of the Islamic Penal Code criminalizes appearing in public without Islamic hijab — but a stricter 2024 law creating escalating penalties was halted by the Supreme National Security Council, infuriating hardliners.
The shadow of Mahsa Amini, whose death in police custody in 2022 ignited the Woman Life Freedom movement, still falls across all of this. The government suppressed those protests brutally, yet the defiance they expressed never fully disappeared. A woman in her sixties in Tehran put the uncertainty plainly: girls are out in crop tops and shorts, she said, and headscarves are practically no longer a thing. But she paused before adding that this is also what people thought before the revolution — that no one could force them to wear the veil. In the end, they did. The outcome, she implied, remains unwritten.
The question of how strictly Iran should enforce the hijab has surfaced again, this time amid the noise of war and a reshuffled hardline government. For months during the conflict with the United States, the rule seemed to slip. Women without headscarves appeared at pro-government rallies and in state media without apparent consequence. The authorities had other fires to put out. But in recent weeks, conservative clerics and politicians have begun pressing hard again, calling for a return to what they term strict enforcement of "public modesty."
The regime's response has been uneven. Authorities have closed cafes and restaurants in Tehran and other cities—at least seven in the capital alone on a single day in July—for failing to police their customers' clothing. The South Khorasan Province shut down ten establishments on similar grounds. State media has amplified these enforcement actions, and the Tehran Prosecutor's office announced it would pursue cases of alleged "indecency" at businesses and shops selling what officials deem inappropriate garments. Yet despite this pressure, many Iranian women are openly defying the rules, and the government seems hesitant to mount a full crackdown. The regime has larger preoccupations: managing the fallout from conflict, wrestling with economic collapse, and reorganizing its security apparatus under new leadership.
The defiance is visible and organized. Young women have posted videos on social media showing themselves riding motorcycles without headscarves through Tehran, Isfahan, and Shiraz. One Instagram account celebrated what it called the largest female motorcycle event in Isfahan, featuring about twenty riders. These are not isolated incidents but coordinated acts of resistance, broadcast to thousands. The government has yet to deliver on its promise to issue motorcycle licenses to women, a fact that adds another layer of irony to the videos.
The crackdown, where it occurs, carries real weight. In June, the popular singer Parastoo Ahmadi and eight members of her band and production team were sentenced to seventy-four lashes and banned from leaving the country for two years. Her offense: appearing with bare shoulders and uncovered hair during a livestreamed event on YouTube in 2024. The charges cited "offending public decency through the production and publication of vulgar and immoral content." Hardline officials have stepped up their rhetoric. One Friday prayer leader in Tehran claimed there are organized efforts to promote "nudity" and that some people are paid to appear improperly dressed. A television program produced for the Tehran Municipality has devoted episodes to the subject, warning against "unconventional behaviors" in public spaces. The journal Kayhan's editor wrote that enforcement is both a legal obligation and a religious duty.
Yet resistance to this push comes from unexpected quarters. President Masoud Pezeshkian, in remarks about an interview with a conservative cleric, questioned whether laws could actually change behavior. "The cleric mentioned hijab," he said. "Well, there are neighborhoods, there are mosques—go and work on it there! Can you really change people's behavior through laws?" He added that his own daughter sometimes disagreed with him, and he did not force her compliance. A former member of parliament argued that officials should focus on inflation and people's livelihoods instead of the hijab. An unofficial media outlet published an article asking what lay behind "the return of hijab patrols and business closures" in a war-weary public.
The legal framework for enforcement exists but remains vague. Article 638 of Iran's Islamic Penal Code criminalizes appearing in public without "Islamic hijab," though it does not define the term precisely. A much stricter law approved in 2024 would have created a system of escalating penalties and surveillance, but its implementation was halted after intervention by the Supreme National Security Council—a move that has infuriated hardliners. One parliament member this week warned that "Israel and America cannot destroy us, but this decay that has plagued our religious culture and is spreading nudity in a disastrous and widespread manner in society will."
This struggle echoes an earlier moment. Four years ago, the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody—she had been detained for allegedly wearing her hijab improperly—sparked the "Woman Life Freedom" protest movement. The government suppressed it brutally. Amnesty International reported at the end of 2024 that Iranian authorities were waging war on women and girls through an increasingly violent crackdown on those defying the compulsory veiling laws. Yet the protests left a mark. Despite warnings and sporadic enforcement, widespread defiance persists, especially among young women.
A woman in her sixties in Tehran, speaking by phone to a reporter, captured the uncertainty: "They still don't dare say anything to people on the street. Girls in Tehran are out and about wearing crop tops, shorts, and all kinds of clothes, and headscarves are practically no longer a thing. I don't think they can make these girls wear headscarves again." But she paused. "But then again, that's also what we thought when the revolution happened. We never thought they would be able to force us to wear them, but in the end, they did." The outcome remains unwritten.
Citations marquantes
Can you really change people's behavior through laws? Changing behavior is a cultural matter; it's about belief. You can't create belief in people through force.— President Masoud Pezeshkian
I don't think they can make these girls wear headscarves again. But then again, that's also what we thought when the revolution happened.— A Tehran woman in her sixties