The money would come. Hungary had been starved of EU resources for years.
After sixteen years of democratic erosion under Viktor Orbán, Hungary stands at a threshold: a new prime minister-elect, Péter Magyar, traveled to Brussels this week carrying the mandate of a landslide and the hope of a country long estranged from its European partners. The meeting with Commission President von der Leyen was less a negotiation than a reckoning — billions in frozen funds, withheld as consequence for backsliding, now poised to flow again if Hungary can prove, in deed and in time, that it has chosen a different path. It is a moment that reminds us how swiftly political tides can turn, and how patiently institutions wait for nations to find their way back.
- Hungary's economy has barely grown in three years, and over €16 billion in EU funds remain frozen — the pressure to unlock them before an August deadline is acute.
- Magyar's Tisza party, barely two years old, won a supermajority on April 12, sweeping away Orbán's sixteen-year grip and inheriting both extraordinary power and extraordinary expectations.
- Von der Leyen offered warm signals in Brussels, but the conditions are concrete: independent courts, measurable anti-corruption reforms, and specific EU 'super-milestones' that must be met before recovery funds expire.
- Magyar is moving at speed — calling von der Leyen two days after his victory, scheduling a return to Brussels on May 25, and planning a June meeting with Zelensky to repair Hungary's fractured relationship with Ukraine.
- The daily €1 million EU fine for migration violations, Orbán's lifted veto on a €90 billion Ukraine loan, and a country that had grown isolated within its own alliance all land in Magyar's inbox before he is even sworn in on May 9.
Péter Magyar arrived in Brussels this week as Hungary's prime minister-elect, carrying the weight of a historic election victory and the promise of billions in frozen EU money. On April 12, his Tisza party swept away sixteen years of Viktor Orbán's rule, winning 141 of 199 parliamentary seats — a supermajority that gives Magyar the power to reshape the country's laws almost at will. Sitting across from European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, his message was direct: the money would come.
The stakes were considerable. Hungary had been cut off from EU resources for years while its economy stagnated through three consecutive years of minimal growth. On the table were €10.4 billion from the EU's Covid-19 recovery program — subject to an immovable August deadline — €6.3 billion in cohesion funds blocked over rule-of-law concerns, and €16.1 billion in EU defense loans still waiting to be accessed. Hungary had also been paying €1 million per day in fines for migration rule violations, a burden Magyar intends to end.
Von der Leyen responded warmly, pledging Commission support to help Hungary "realign with shared European values." The conditions, as Magyar's colleagues explained, were clear: functioning independent courts and credible anti-corruption reforms meeting the EU's specific benchmarks. Magyar has the parliamentary muscle to move fast, and he is using it — he called von der Leyen two days after his victory and plans to return to Brussels on May 25 to sign a political agreement.
Orbán had campaigned against the EU, painting Magyar as Brussels' instrument. Magyar's answer to Hungarians was that the unblocked billions served Hungary's own interests, not foreign ones. He is also resetting the country's place in the region: he has offered to meet President Zelensky in early June in Berehove, a Hungarian-majority town in Ukraine, signaling a departure from the hostility that defined the Orbán years. Last week, Orbán's veto on a €90 billion EU loan to Ukraine was lifted at a summit he did not attend.
Whether a party barely two years old can govern a country that spent sixteen years moving in the opposite direction remains an open question. But for now, the signals from Brussels are green — and Hungary, as Magyar put it, is back in Europe.
Péter Magyar arrived in Brussels this week as Hungary's prime minister-elect, carrying with him the weight of a landslide victory and the promise of billions in frozen money. On April 12, his Tisza party had swept away sixteen years of Viktor Orbán's rule, winning 141 of 199 parliamentary seats—a supermajority that gives Magyar the power to reshape the country's laws almost at will. Now, sitting across from European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, he was there to collect on what that victory meant: the release of EU funds that had been locked away because of democratic backsliding and corruption under Orbán's government.
The conversation between Magyar and von der Leyen was, by his account, constructive and successful. What he wanted to communicate was simple and direct: the money would come. Hungary had been starved of EU resources for years, and the country's economy had barely moved—minimal growth for three straight years. The frozen funds represented a lifeline. There was €10.4 billion from the EU's Covid-19 recovery program, which carried an August deadline before it expired. There was another €6.3 billion in cohesion funds blocked over rule-of-law concerns. Beyond that lay €16.1 billion in cheap EU defense loans, still waiting to be tapped. And there was the matter of the €1 million daily fine Hungary had been paying for violations of EU migration rules—a fine Magyar intended to end.
Von der Leyen's response was encouraging. She spoke of a "very good exchange" and promised that the Commission would "support your work to address these issues and realign with shared European values." The conditions, as Magyar's party colleague Márton Hajdu explained, were straightforward: no corruption, and courts that functioned independently of government interference. But straightforward did not mean easy. Magyar was in a hurry. He was not scheduled to be sworn in until May 9, yet he had already called von der Leyen two days after his election victory to press the matter. He planned to return to Brussels on May 25 to sign a political agreement.
The timing mattered because the August deadline for the Covid recovery funds was immovable. Hungary had to meet what the EU called "super-milestones"—anti-corruption and rule-of-law reforms that had been part of the country's post-Covid recovery plan since 2022. These were not vague aspirations but specific, measurable benchmarks. Magyar had the parliamentary power to move fast. With two-thirds of the seats, his government could change the constitution if needed. The question was whether the reforms could be real and deep enough to satisfy Brussels, and whether they could be done in time.
Orbán, on his way out, had run an election campaign that was largely anti-EU, casting Magyar as a puppet of Brussels. But Magyar's message to Hungarians was different. He sought to assure them that the EU was not imposing conditions contrary to Hungary's interests. The unblocked billions would help revive an economy that had stalled. He was also signaling a shift in Hungary's relationship with its neighbors. He had offered to meet President Volodymyr Zelensky in early June in Berehove, a Hungarian-majority town in southwestern Ukraine—a gesture toward resetting the turbulent relations that had defined the Orbán years. Last week, at an EU summit that Orbán did not attend, his veto on a €90 billion loan to Ukraine had been lifted. Magyar was inheriting a country that had been isolated, and he was moving quickly to bring it back into the fold.
What remained to be seen was whether the reforms would stick, whether the money would actually flow, and whether a party that had existed for only just over two years could govern a country that had spent sixteen years moving in the opposite direction. But for now, in Brussels, the signals were green. The money was coming. Hungary was, as Magyar had written on social media, "in Europe."
Notable Quotes
EU resources will soon arrive in Hungary— Péter Magyar, Prime Minister-elect
The conditions were simple: there should be no corruption, and the government should not interfere with the functioning of the courts— Márton Hajdu, Tisza party colleague
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does the August deadline matter so much? Why not just extend it?
Because the EU set those terms years ago as part of the post-Covid recovery framework. The money doesn't belong to Hungary—it's allocated from a common European fund. If the milestones aren't met by August, the funds revert or get reallocated. There's no extension button to push.
So Magyar has to prove democratic reform in three months. That seems almost impossible.
It does. But he has something Orbán never had: a supermajority and the goodwill of Brussels. The EU wants this to work. They want Hungary back. That's different from the last sixteen years, when every reform was a fight.
What about the people who voted for Orbán? Won't they resist?
They will. But Orbán lost. That's the thing—the election was decisive. Magyar has a mandate, and he has the votes. The real test is whether the reforms are genuine or just theater to unlock the money.
Is there a risk the money comes and then nothing changes?
That's the EU's concern too. That's why the milestones exist. But once the money flows, the pressure to maintain appearances weakens. It's a gamble on both sides.
What does the Ukraine meeting signal?
That Hungary is done being isolated and obstinate. Orbán vetoed aid to Ukraine. Magyar is offering to sit down with Zelensky. It's a complete reversal of posture—not just toward Brussels, but toward the whole region.