Germany's 'political firewall' against far-right AfD faces mounting pressure

Anyone still talking about firewalls has failed to recognize the signs of the times.
Saxony's CDU Premier signals the policy is becoming untenable as AfD support rises in eastern Germany.
Mark

Why does the firewall matter so much if it's already breaking?

Mimi

Because it's the last formal agreement that says certain parties are beyond the pale. Once it's gone, there's no institutional memory of why the boundary existed. It becomes just another political calculation.

Mark

But if 40% of voters support the AfD, doesn't excluding them seem undemocratic?

Mimi

That's the trap. You can argue it both ways. Exclude them and you're ignoring millions of voters. Include them and you're normalizing a party that intelligence agencies have flagged as extremist in parts of the country. There's no clean answer.

Mark

Why is Merz so irritated by the term now?

Mimi

Because he's chancellor and he needs to govern. The firewall was useful rhetoric when he was in opposition. Now it constrains him. Every time someone asks about it, they're reminding him of a promise he's already broken.

Mark

What happens in the eastern states?

Mimi

They'll have to choose. Form governments with the AfD, or form coalitions with parties they fundamentally disagree with. Either way, something breaks. The firewall was supposed to prevent that choice from ever being necessary.

Mark

Is the firewall actually protecting democracy, or is it just delaying the reckoning?

Mimi

That depends on whether you think democracy can survive incorporating a party that some believe is hostile to it. If the AfD is truly a threat, the firewall buys time to address that threat through courts or other means. If it's not, then the firewall is just an elite consensus against voters.

  • The firewall that once felt like settled principle is fracturing under the weight of electoral reality, with AfD support in eastern Germany approaching 40% and leaving mainstream parties unable to form stable governing majorities without impossible ideological contortions.
  • Chancellor Merz dealt the most symbolic blow himself in January 2025, allowing AfD votes to carry a CDU asylum motion — a breach of the very commitment he had made personal, and one that now shadows every question put to him about the policy.
  • At the local level, the wall has long been quietly porous, with city councils routinely voting alongside AfD members on mundane matters, normalizing a proximity that critics warn is slowly migrating upward toward state and federal politics.
  • Left-wing populist Sahra Wagenknecht has broken ranks entirely, calling the firewall 'fundamentally undemocratic' and signaling openness to AfD-led government in Saxony-Anhalt — giving intellectual cover to those who want the boundary dismantled.
  • Federal CDU leadership is holding firm, insisting the incompatibility resolution cannot be interpreted differently state by state, but the pressure from eastern branches is mounting and the September 6 Saxony-Anhalt election will test how much longer the center can hold.

For nearly a decade, Germany's mainstream parties erected a formal boundary against governing with the far-right AfD — a 'political firewall' meant to protect democratic norms from a party its own intelligence services have labeled extremist. But boundaries drawn in institutional ink are tested by political arithmetic, and in eastern Germany, where the AfD commands nearly 40 percent of the vote, the arithmetic is becoming impossible to ignore. Chancellor Merz, who once made the firewall a personal pledge, has grown visibly uncomfortable with the term, and the wall he championed now bears visible cracks — raising a question that cuts to the heart of democratic theory: what happens when excluding a party begins to look like excluding the people who voted for it?

Germany's centrist parties have long maintained a strict rule against cooperating with the Alternative for Germany — a far-right party whose regional branches have been classified as extremist by domestic intelligence. They called this boundary a 'political firewall,' a metaphor drawn from construction, where such barriers stop fire from spreading between buildings. In politics, the firewall was meant to protect democracy itself. The wall is now cracking.

The firewall took formal shape in 2018, when the CDU adopted a resolution rejecting coalitions or similar cooperation with both the AfD and the Left Party. When Friedrich Merz became CDU leader in 2021, he made the commitment personal, telling Der Spiegel there would be a firewall against the AfD under his leadership. For years, CDU politicians declined even to accept positions won with AfD votes.

Then came January 2025. Merz allowed a CDU asylum motion to pass with AfD support, triggering immediate accusations that he had breached the firewall he once championed. Now chancellor, he has grown visibly irritated by questions on the subject and tends to avoid the term altogether. Meanwhile, Sahra Wagenknecht — founder of the left-wing populist Alliance Sahra Wagenknecht — has gone further still, explicitly opposing the exclusion of the AfD and expressing openness to an AfD-led government in Saxony-Anhalt ahead of its September 6 elections.

At the local level, the firewall has always been porous. City councils across Germany have repeatedly seen mainstream politicians vote alongside the AfD on routine matters — building permits, budgets, infrastructure. Supporters call it pragmatism; critics warn of a gradual normalization that could spread from local politics upward.

The deepest pressure comes from the east. In much of eastern Germany, AfD support has climbed toward 40 percent, making it nearly impossible for other parties to form governing majorities without either including the AfD or forging coalitions across ideological distances that strain credibility. Saxony's CDU Premier Michael Kretschmer recently declared that anyone still talking about firewalls has failed to read the times. A CDU interest group in Brandenburg even submitted a motion to repeal the incompatibility resolution, withdrawing it only after criticism from federal leadership.

The federal CDU is trying to hold the line. Bundestag group chair Thorsten Frei has insisted the ban on cooperation is a fundamental party resolution that cannot be interpreted differently from state to state. Merz himself continues to uphold the incompatibility resolution in formal terms. But whether this holding pattern can survive eastern elections, governing crises, and the relentless climb of AfD support is the question now haunting German democracy — one that has no clean answer in sight.

Germany's centrist parties have long maintained a strict rule: do not cooperate with the Alternative for Germany, the far-right party whose regional branches have been classified as extremist by the country's domestic intelligence agency. They call this boundary a "political firewall"—a metaphor borrowed from construction, where such barriers prevent fire from spreading between buildings. In politics, the firewall is meant to protect democracy itself. But the wall is cracking, and the pressure to breach it is mounting from multiple directions at once.

The firewall took formal shape in 2018, when the Christian Democratic Union adopted a resolution rejecting "coalitions and similar forms of cooperation" with both the AfD and the socialist Left Party. When Friedrich Merz became CDU leader in December 2021, he made the commitment personal, telling Der Spiegel: "Under my leadership, there will be a firewall against the AfD." For years, CDU politicians declined even to accept positions won with AfD votes. It was a line drawn in institutional ink.

Then came January 2025. Merz, now chancellor and leading the parliamentary opposition at the time, allowed a CDU motion on asylum policy to pass with AfD support. The move triggered immediate accusations that he had breached the very firewall he had championed. Now in office, Merz has grown visibly irritated by questions about the policy, tending to avoid the term altogether. The Social Democrats and Greens continue to reject AfD cooperation formally, though without the CDU's written resolution. But Sahra Wagenknecht, founder of the left-wing populist Alliance Sahra Wagenknecht, has taken a different path entirely—she explicitly opposes excluding the AfD and would even accept an AfD-led government in the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt, where elections are scheduled for September 6.

At the local level, the firewall has always been porous. City councils and municipal governments across Germany have repeatedly seen politicians from mainstream parties vote alongside the AfD on routine matters—building permits, infrastructure projects, budgets. Supporters of this pragmatism argue that a daycare center does not become a bad idea simply because the AfD supports it. Critics warn of something more sinister: a gradual normalization that makes the far-right party socially acceptable, a process that could eventually spread from local politics upward to state and federal levels.

The real pressure, though, comes from the east. In much of eastern Germany, AfD support has climbed toward 40 percent—a figure so large that other parties can no longer form governing majorities without either including the AfD or joining forces across ideological chasms so wide they strain credibility. Saxony's CDU Premier Michael Kretschmer recently told the business daily Handelsblatt: "Anyone still talking about firewalls has failed to recognize the signs of the times. We need to talk to everyone who is willing to talk." A CDU interest group in Brandenburg submitted a motion calling for the party to revise or repeal its incompatibility resolution, though it withdrew the motion after criticism from federal leadership.

Wagenknecht has framed the firewall as fundamentally undemocratic. "It is simply completely undemocratic to permanently exclude a party supported by around 40% of voters," she said of Saxony-Anhalt. "The firewall has failed." Political scientists have raised similar concerns about a democratic deficit—the long-term exclusion of a party with substantial voter support creates its own legitimacy problems.

The federal CDU leadership is trying to hold the line. Thorsten Frei, chair of the Bundestag's conservative parliamentary group, has made clear he will not tolerate deviations by state branches. "The ban on cooperation with the AfD is a fundamental party resolution of the CDU. It cannot be interpreted differently from one federal state to another," he told the Funke Media Group. Merz himself, despite the pressure and the January breach, continues to uphold the incompatibility resolution with both the AfD and the Left Party.

But the question that haunts German politics now is whether this holding pattern can last. As eastern states face elections and governing crises, as AfD support continues to climb, and as the term "firewall" itself becomes a source of irritation to the chancellor who once championed it, the answer remains unclear. How majorities opposed to the AfD can be formed in the future—and whether they can be formed at all—is the problem German democracy must now solve.

Under my leadership, there will be a firewall against the AfD.
— Friedrich Merz, upon becoming CDU leader in December 2021
It is simply completely undemocratic to permanently exclude a party supported by around 40% of voters. The firewall has failed.
— Sahra Wagenknecht, BSW founder, on Saxony-Anhalt
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