Ex-ministro condenado por fraude é terceiro maior doador de Flávio Bolsonaro

Aproximadamente 900 mil clientes do Banco Econômico tiveram contas bloqueadas, 276 agências fecharam e 9.500 funcionários foram demitidos após a intervenção do Banco Central em 1995.
O principal estrategista das irregularidades, promotor e mandante dos fatos
Descrição do juiz federal sobre Ângelo Calmon de Sá na sentença de condenação de 2007.
Mark

So this man was convicted of fraud in 2007. Did he actually go to prison?

Mimi

No. His lawyers filed appeals and habeas corpus petitions for years, citing his age and claims the statute of limitations had run. There's no record he ever served the sentence.

Luke

That's a crucial detail—we know he was convicted, but we don't know if the conviction stuck or if it was overturned. The source says there's no record of him serving time, but that's not the same as knowing what happened to the sentence itself.

Mark

And this donation to Bolsonaro's party—is that legal?

Mimi

Technically, yes. He gave the money to the party's national leadership, not directly to Bolsonaro. It's legal, but Folha has reported that this practice is used to hide the electoral connection between donor and candidate.

Luke

Right, but we should be careful here. The source says Folha reported this practice exists. It doesn't say that's what Calmon de Sá was doing—just that the practice exists and could be used that way.

Mark

What about the bank collapse itself? How many people were actually harmed?

Mimi

Nine hundred thousand customers had frozen accounts. Two hundred seventy-six branches closed. Nine thousand five hundred employees were fired. When people could finally withdraw money, they could only take five thousand reais at a time.

Luke

Those are the numbers from the source, and they're staggering. But we don't know how many of those nine hundred thousand people lost money permanently versus how many eventually recovered their deposits.

Mark

Why was he put in the ministry in the first place if the bank was already under investigation?

Mimi

The timing is strange. He was appointed in April 1992, right after Collor's brother exposed the corruption scheme that would lead to Collor's impeachment. While he was in the ministry, he arranged a six-hundred-thousand-dollar loan from his own bank to Collor family companies.

Luke

The source says that was his action, but we should note: we're seeing this through the lens of historical archives at FGV. The characterization that he was trying to buy votes against impeachment comes from that archive, not from Calmon de Sá himself or from court documents we can verify independently.

  • Ângelo Calmon de Sá, 91 anos, doou R$ 400 mil ao PL para campanha de Flávio Bolsonaro
  • Condenado a 13 anos de prisão em outubro de 2007 por fraudes no Banco Econômico
  • Colapso do banco em 1995 afetou 900 mil clientes, fechou 276 agências e demitiu 9.500 funcionários
  • Banco Econômico doou US$ 2,4 milhões ilegalmente para candidatos em 1990

Calmon de Sá, 91 anos, foi condenado a 13 anos de prisão em 2007 por fraudes no Banco Econômico, que causou prejuízos a 900 mil clientes. O banqueiro doou ao partido em vez de diretamente ao candidato, prática que, segundo a Folha, oculta elos eleitorais entre doadores e políticos.

Ângelo Calmon de Sá, ex-ministro condenado por fraude bancária, é o terceiro maior doador pessoa física da campanha presidencial do senador Flávio Bolsonaro, com R$ 400 mil doados ao PL.

Ângelo Calmon de Sá tem money in the game. The 91-year-old former banker and onetime minister of industry under the military dictatorship has given R$ 400 thousand to the national leadership of Flávio Bolsonaro's party, the PL, making him the third-largest individual donor to the senator's presidential campaign. Only two people have given more: a pharmaceutical CEO and a biodiesel magnate, each contributing R$ 500 thousand. The party itself has funneled R$ 42 million into Bolsonaro's bid.

What makes Calmon de Sá's position in this donor roster noteworthy is not merely the size of his check, but the weight of his past. In October 2007, a federal judge sentenced him to thirteen years and four months in prison for fraud. The conviction came more than a decade after the Central Bank intervened in the Banco Econômico, the institution Calmon de Sá had led since 1979. The judge called him the principal architect of the irregularities, the one who conceived them and benefited from them. There is no record that he ever served the sentence. His lawyers filed appeals and habeas corpus petitions year after year, citing his advanced age and claims of statute of limitations.

The Banco Econômico's collapse in 1995 was catastrophic in scale. Nine hundred thousand customers had their accounts frozen. Two hundred seventy-six branches shuttered. Nine thousand five hundred employees lost their jobs. When the Central Bank finally allowed depositors to withdraw funds, they could take only five thousand reais at a time. Calmon de Sá's own son withdrew a quarter million reais; some directors took eight hundred thousand. About twenty-five million dollars disappeared into an offshore account at Transworld Bank and Trust in the Cayman Islands.

The fraud itself was elaborate. The bank had donated two point four million dollars to candidates in the 1990 elections—a practice that was illegal. To hide it, the Econômico created shell transactions, paying fictitious companies for fake services and collecting receipts to make the money look legitimate. The Federal Police classified it as tax fraud. The Central Bank's investigation revealed that Calmon de Sá had authorized enormous loans to companies without adequate collateral, decisions that would have bankrupted the institution if not for the speculative profits the bank was making in Brazil's hyperinflationary markets. When the Real Plan stabilized prices in 1994, those profits evaporated. The bank's balance sheets, apparently doctored, showed negative equity.

Calmon de Sá's career had been built on proximity to power. He served as president of the Bank of Brazil under the military regime, then moved to the Commerce Ministry under Ernesto Geisel from 1977 to 1979, where his mandate was to boost exports of manufactured and agricultural goods as oil prices climbed. When he left that post, he took over the Econômico. A decade later, the Central Bank's Salvador office opened investigations into irregular loans to companies tied to the bank's directors. The Central Bank's inspection team recommended intervention. The recommendation was filed away.

In April 1992, President Fernando Collor appointed Calmon de Sá to the Ministry of Regional Development—a move that came just after Collor's brother had blown open a corruption scheme that would eventually force the president from office. While in the ministry, Calmon de Sá arranged a six-hundred-thousand-dollar loan from the Econômico to Collor family enterprises. He also distributed substantial sums to legislators from the North and Northeast, a maneuver the historical record suggests was designed to buy votes against impeachment. Itamar Franco, Collor's successor, removed him from the ministry in October of that year. Calmon de Sá returned to the Econômico, where he continued authorizing large loans without proper guarantees.

The Central Bank intervened in August 1995. Calmon de Sá's assets and accounts were frozen. The following year, the bank was liquidated. The BTG Pactual eventually purchased the Econômico's remains in 2022 and rebranded the institution as BESA.

Today, Calmon de Sá's donation to Flávio Bolsonaro's campaign raises a straightforward question: how does a man convicted of defrauding hundreds of thousands of people remain a major player in Brazilian electoral finance? The donation was made to the party rather than directly to the candidate—a practice, Folha has reported, designed to obscure the connection between donor and politician. Calmon de Sá did not respond to requests for comment.

Promotor e mandante dos fatos da denúncia, além de destinatário dos recursos ilicitamente captados no exterior e desviados para o banco, em última análise, em seu próprio benefício
— Juiz federal responsável pela sentença de condenação, outubro de 2007
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