Congress Flags China's Military Aid to Pakistan as Foreign Minister Visits

20 Indian soldiers killed in June 2020 Galwan Valley clash; 26 civilians killed in April 2025 Pahalgam terror attack that prompted Operation Sindoor.
India is paying the price for Modi's clean chit to China
Ramesh argues that the 2020 denial of Chinese incursion weakened India's negotiating position for years to come.
Mark

Why does Ramesh think the timing of this visit matters so much? It's just diplomacy.

Mimi

Because it's not just diplomacy—it's a statement about what India is willing to accept. Three months before Wang Yi arrives, China was actively arming Pakistan against Indian forces. Hosting him now, without public acknowledgment of that, looks like forgiveness without consequence.

Mark

But doesn't every country support its allies? Why single out China?

Mimi

Because China isn't just an ally of Pakistan—it's a neighbor with whom India shares a contested border. The same country that's restricting Indian patrols is giving Pakistan live intelligence. That's not normal alliance behavior; that's active hostility.

Mark

What about the buffer zones Ramesh mentions? Aren't those meant to reduce conflict?

Mimi

In theory, yes. But Ramesh's point is that they're being placed inside India's own claim line. So India is giving up territory it considers its own to create a demilitarized space. That's not a compromise—that's a concession.

Mark

Is there any chance Ramesh is overstating this for political effect?

Mimi

Possibly. But he's citing the Deputy Chief of Army Staff, not inventing claims. The facts about Operation Sindoor and Chinese support to Pakistan are documented. The question is whether the government should have made more of an issue of it before inviting Wang Yi to New Delhi.

Mark

What does Modi's 2020 statement have to do with what's happening now?

Mimi

Everything. That statement—denying any Chinese incursion—became the foundation for every agreement that followed. If Modi had acknowledged the clash directly, India might have negotiated from a position of strength. Instead, the government moved forward as if nothing had happened, and each subsequent agreement has favored China more.

  • China allegedly supplied Pakistan with fighter jets, missiles, drones, and live battlefield intelligence during Operation Sindoor in May 2025, a charge Congress says India's own army leadership has corroborated.
  • Congress leader Jairam Ramesh argues that India's 2024 border disengagement deal surrendered patrol rights and created buffer zones inside India's own claim lines — a retreat dressed up as diplomacy.
  • The shadow of Galwan looms large: Ramesh contends that Modi's 2020 declaration that no Chinese troops had crossed into India dishonored 20 fallen soldiers and gave Beijing a license to push further.
  • China's 60-gigawatt dam project on the Yarlung Tsangpo — the river that becomes India's Brahmaputra — adds an environmental and strategic dimension to the grievances that the diplomatic visit has done little to address.
  • Wang Yi's two-day itinerary — meetings with Jaishankar, Doval, and Modi — is designed to warm the atmosphere ahead of an SCO summit, but the opposition is ensuring that warmth comes with a political price tag.

As China's top diplomat arrived in New Delhi to mend fences and prepare the ground for a Modi summit visit, India's Congress party chose the moment to ask a question that hangs over the entire enterprise: can a nation that armed your adversary in wartime be welcomed as a partner in peace? The visit of Foreign Minister Wang Yi, framed by the government as a step toward normalization after years of border tension, became instead an occasion to examine what normalization has cost — in territorial concessions, in soldiers' lives, and in the quiet acceptance of a neighbor's strategic hostility.

When Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi landed in New Delhi for a two-day diplomatic visit, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh was waiting with a pointed question: why is India hosting a country that just armed Pakistan against it?

The accusation at the center of Ramesh's critique concerned Operation Sindoor, India's military campaign launched in May 2025 following a terror attack in Pahalgam that killed 26 civilians. Citing statements from India's Deputy Chief of Army Staff, Ramesh alleged that China had supplied Pakistan with J-10C fighter jets, PL-15 missiles, drone systems, and — most troublingly — live intelligence feeds tracking Indian military movements in real time. The operation ended with a ceasefire on May 10, but the claim that Beijing had actively supported the other side cast a long shadow over Wang Yi's arrival.

Ramesh's deeper argument was that this was not an isolated incident but the latest chapter in a pattern of accommodation. After the June 2020 Galwan Valley clash that killed 20 Indian soldiers, Modi had publicly stated that no Chinese troops had entered Indian territory — a declaration Ramesh called a capitulation that emboldened Beijing and left the fallen soldiers without acknowledgment. The border agreements that followed, he argued, bore out that concern: a 2024 disengagement framework reportedly required Indian patrols to seek Chinese permission before reaching certain points in Depsang, Demchok, and Chumar, while buffer zones were established in Galwan, Hot Spring, and Pangong Tso — all within India's own claim line.

Ramesh also raised China's construction of a massive 60-gigawatt hydroelectric dam on the Yarlung Tsangpo, the river that enters India as the Brahmaputra, warning of serious downstream consequences for water and ecology.

The government framed Wang Yi's visit as a confidence-building exercise ahead of Modi's planned trip to China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit. The foreign minister was set to meet External Affairs Minister Jaishankar, National Security Advisor Doval, and Prime Minister Modi — conversations expected to cover the border, trade, and the resumption of direct flights. But by raising the specter of Chinese weapons in Pakistani hands at the very moment of Wang Yi's arrival, Congress ensured that the diplomatic thaw would have to reckon publicly with the price India may have already paid for it.

Jairam Ramesh, a senior Congress leader, used the occasion of China's foreign minister arriving in New Delhi to mount a sharp critique of the government's approach to Beijing. Speaking just before Wang Yi touched down on Monday for a two-day visit, Ramesh argued that India was accepting unfavorable terms from a country that had just armed Pakistan against Indian interests.

The specific grievance centered on Operation Sindoor, the military campaign launched in May to respond to a terror attack in Pahalgam that killed 26 civilians. According to Ramesh, citing statements from India's Deputy Chief of Army Staff, China had supplied Pakistan with advanced weaponry during that operation—including J-10C fighter jets, PL-15 air-to-air missiles, and various drone systems. More damaging still, he claimed, was the provision of live intelligence feeds that gave Pakistan real-time information about Indian military movements. The operation itself, which ran from May 7 until a ceasefire on May 10, had inflicted significant damage on terror infrastructure in Pakistani territory, but the fact that China had actively supported the other side seemed to Ramesh a betrayal that the government was now glossing over by hosting Wang Yi's visit.

Ramesh's broader complaint was that India had paid too high a price for what he called Prime Minister Modi's "clean chit" to China. In June 2020, just days after the Galwan Valley clash that killed 20 Indian soldiers, Modi had declared publicly that no Chinese troops had crossed into Indian territory. Ramesh viewed this statement as a capitulation that had emboldened Beijing and left the martyred soldiers dishonored. The consequences, he argued, were visible in the border agreements that followed. In October 2024, India had agreed to a disengagement framework that required Indian patrols to obtain Chinese permission before reaching certain patrol points in Depsang, Demchok, and Chumar. Additionally, India had accepted "buffer zones" in Galwan, Hot Spring, and Pangong Tso—areas that lay within India's own claim line. None of this, Ramesh insisted, represented a return to the status quo that existed before the 2020 clash. Instead, it amounted to a retreat.

There was also the matter of the Medog Dam. China had begun construction on a 60-gigawatt hydroelectric project on the Yarlung Tsangpo river, a waterway that flows through Tibet before entering India as the Brahmaputra. Ramesh flagged this as having "very serious implications" for India, though he did not elaborate on what those implications might be—presumably related to water flow, irrigation, and downstream environmental effects.

Wang Yi's visit was framed by the government as part of a broader effort to stabilize the India-China relationship after years of tension. The foreign minister was scheduled to meet separately with External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval before calling on Modi on Tuesday. The talks were expected to cover the border situation, trade relations, and the resumption of flight services between the two countries. The timing was significant: Modi was planning to travel to China shortly after to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit, suggesting that both sides were attempting to create a warmer atmosphere for that engagement.

Yet Ramesh's intervention highlighted the political cost of that warming. By raising the question of Chinese military support to Pakistan just as the foreign minister arrived, he was forcing the government to defend a diplomatic posture that many in the opposition viewed as accommodating to Beijing at the expense of India's security interests and the memory of fallen soldiers.

China provided Pakistan live intelligence against India during Operation Sindoor, according to Deputy Chief of Army Staff Lt Gen Rahul R Singh
— Jairam Ramesh, Congress general secretary
This is far from the status quo as it prevailed before the Chinese aggression
— Jairam Ramesh, on India's border disengagement terms
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