Climate battle moves to courts as political momentum stalls

Peruvian farmer, Philippine typhoon victims, Indonesian island residents, and Pakistani farmers affected by floods are pursuing legal claims for climate-related harms.
The legal net is tightening for oil companies
As courts worldwide block fossil fuel projects and order climate action, corporations face mounting legal pressure where political momentum has stalled.
Mark

So if politicians are backing away from climate action, how much can courts actually accomplish? They can't pass laws or set budgets.

Mimi

They can do something different—they can force governments to act and make corporations pay for harm. A court order is enforceable in ways a political promise isn't. When the Dutch court ordered the Netherlands to strengthen its climate plan, the government had to do it.

Luke

But we should be clear about what's happening here. These are mostly advisory opinions and national court rulings, not global enforcement mechanisms. The TotalEnergies ruling and the Dutch Shell case are being appealed. We don't know if they'll hold.

Mark

What about the compensation idea—making companies pay for climate damage? That sounds like it could be huge.

Mimi

It could be. The German court case with the Peruvian farmer didn't award damages, but it established the principle that a company could be liable. Now there are similar cases pending in multiple countries. If one of them succeeds, it changes everything.

Luke

The key word is "if." Right now these are pending cases. We have one Peruvian farmer who lost his case, and several others in the pipeline. It's not yet a precedent.

Mark

Why are courts moving faster than governments on this?

Mimi

Because courts are being asked to interpret existing law—human rights law, environmental law, the duty of care. They're not inventing new obligations; they're recognizing ones that were already there. Politicians have to balance competing interests and constituencies. Judges just have to apply the law.

Luke

That's fair, but it's also worth noting that not all courts are moving the same way. The US courts have rejected climate cases against oil companies. New Zealand's government literally changed the law to block a lawsuit. The legal system isn't uniformly sympathetic to climate claims.

Mark

So what happens next?

Mimi

We're watching to see if these cases hold on appeal, and whether compensation cases actually succeed. The Dutch Shell ruling in 2027 will be watched globally. If it stands, it could reshape how energy companies operate.

Luke

And we're also watching whether governments start changing laws to block these suits, like New Zealand did. That's a real risk.

  • Political momentum on climate has stalled — governments are quietly abandoning commitments, and November's international negotiations are expected to yield little of substance.
  • Into that vacuum, courts are stepping with unexpected force: Australia blocked a coal mine expansion, Dutch and French courts have ordered governments and corporations to act, and Norway's Supreme Court is poised to rule on North Sea oil licenses.
  • Three major international tribunals have issued advisory opinions affirming that nations carry legal duties on climate, and those principles are now flowing directly into national courtrooms — and winning.
  • A new and more radical legal frontier is opening: lawsuits from a Peruvian farmer, Philippine typhoon survivors, Indonesian islanders, and Pakistani flood victims are asking courts not just to change policy, but to make polluters pay compensation proportional to the harm they caused.
  • The Dutch Supreme Court's 2027 ruling on whether to impose specific emissions targets on Shell could redraw the rules for the entire energy industry — and oil companies are watching closely.
  • Setbacks exist — U.S. courts have sided with oil companies, and New Zealand changed its laws to block one activist's case — but the overall trajectory points toward courts becoming the primary arena for climate accountability.

As the political will to confront climate change retreats across Europe and the United States, a quieter but consequential shift is unfolding in the world's courtrooms. Judges — in the Netherlands, Australia, France, and beyond — are increasingly doing what elected governments have declined to: holding nations and corporations legally responsible for their role in warming the planet. Guided by advisory opinions from international tribunals that have affirmed climate obligations as matters of law, not merely policy, this litigation wave is transforming climate accountability from a diplomatic aspiration into an enforceable reality. The deeper question is whether justice, delivered one ruling at a time, can move swiftly enough to meet the pace of the crisis.

The political machinery for fighting climate change is stalling. Across Europe and the United States, governments are stepping back from their commitments, and the upcoming international climate negotiations in November are expected to produce little of substance. Yet in courtrooms around the world, something different is unfolding — judges are beginning to hold governments and corporations accountable in ways that politicians have not.

Over the past decade, climate activists have taken governments to court with striking success. The Netherlands, Pakistan, Switzerland, and South Korea have all been ordered by their own courts to adopt stronger climate policies. This week, Australia's highest court blocked a coal mine expansion in New South Wales on climate grounds alone. These are not symbolic gestures — they are binding orders that change what governments must do.

The legal momentum has been amplified by three major international courts — the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and the International Court of Justice — which have issued advisory opinions affirming that nations carry legal obligations on climate. Though not binding, these opinions are functioning as legal blueprints. When a Paris court ordered TotalEnergies to account for its product emissions, and when a Dutch court ordered the Netherlands to strengthen its climate plan, both cited the International Court of Justice opinion. International principles are flowing back into national courts — and winning.

The pressure on corporations is intensifying. Litigation has overturned permits for fossil fuel projects across the United Kingdom, and Norway's Supreme Court is expected to rule soon on North Sea oil licenses. Most consequentially, the Dutch Supreme Court will decide in 2027 whether to impose a specific emissions-reduction target on Shell — a ruling that could reshape how energy companies operate globally.

A more radical legal possibility is also emerging: that major polluters should pay financial compensation to people harmed by climate change, proportional to their emissions. A Peruvian farmer sued German energy company RWE over glacial melt threatening his community; the courts rejected his claim but left the door open to future liability. Now similar cases are pending across multiple countries — Philippine typhoon victims suing Shell in the UK, Indonesian islanders suing cement maker Holcim in Switzerland, Pakistani farmers suing RWE and Heidelberg Materials in Germany. These cases mark a shift from demanding policy change to demanding that corporations bear financial responsibility for the harm they have caused.

There have been setbacks — climate groups have lost cases against oil companies in the United States, and New Zealand changed its laws to block a lawsuit by Maori activist Mike Smith. But the direction is clear. As political will collapses, the courts are becoming the arena where climate accountability is being constructed, one ruling at a time. The question is whether these legal victories can accumulate fast enough to matter.

The political machinery for fighting climate change is grinding to a halt. Across Europe and the United States, governments are quietly stepping back from their climate commitments. The upcoming international climate negotiations in November are expected to produce little of substance. Yet in courtrooms around the world, something different is happening. Judges are beginning to do what politicians have not: they are holding governments and corporations accountable for warming the planet.

Over the past decade, climate activists have taken national governments to court with striking success. The Netherlands, Pakistan, Switzerland, and South Korea have all been forced by their own courts to adopt stronger climate policies. This week, Australia's highest court blocked the expansion of a coal mine in New South Wales on climate grounds alone. These are not symbolic victories. They are orders that change what governments must do.

The legal momentum has been turbocharged by three major international courts—the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and the International Court of Justice—which have issued advisory opinions affirming that countries have legal obligations to address climate change. A fourth opinion is expected from the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights. These opinions are not binding judgments, but they are something more useful: they are legal blueprints. When a Paris court ordered TotalEnergies last June to account for emissions from its products, it cited the International Court of Justice opinion. When a Dutch court ordered the Netherlands to strengthen its climate plan in January, it did the same. The legal principles established at the international level are now flowing back into national courts, where they are winning cases.

The pressure on corporations is intensifying. Years of litigation have overturned permits for oil, gas, and coal projects in the United Kingdom. Norway's Supreme Court is expected to rule soon on North Sea oil licenses. Most significantly, the Dutch Supreme Court will decide in 2027 whether to impose a specific emissions-reduction target on Shell—a ruling that could reshape how energy companies operate. The legal net is tightening, in the language of those tracking these cases, and oil companies know it.

A more radical possibility is emerging from the courts: the idea that major polluters should pay compensation to people harmed by climate change, proportional to their greenhouse gas emissions. German courts moved toward this principle last year when a Peruvian farmer, Saul Luciano Lliuya, sued the energy company RWE for damages from glacial melt affecting his community. The courts rejected his claim but left the door open to future liability. Now similar lawsuits are pending across multiple countries. Philippine victims of Typhoon Odette are suing Shell in the UK. Residents of Indonesia's Pari island are suing cement maker Holcim in Switzerland. Pakistani farmers affected by the 2022 floods are suing RWE and Heidelberg Materials in Germany. These cases represent a shift from asking courts to force policy change to asking them to assign financial responsibility for climate harm.

There have been setbacks. Climate groups have lost lawsuits against oil companies in the United States. In New Zealand, the government changed the law to block a lawsuit brought by Maori activist Mike Smith against six domestic companies, though he has pledged to continue. But the direction of travel is clear. As political will collapses, the courts are becoming the arena where climate accountability is being built, one ruling at a time. The question now is whether these legal victories can accumulate fast enough to matter.

There is momentum for climate litigation in the courts, and the legal principles set out in international court opinions are already being used in national courts.
— Dennis van Berkel, Climate Litigation Network
Despite what politicians say about the international legal system, judges still respect and apply international law in many countries around the world.
— Sophie Marjanac, Redwater Insights think tank
Contattaci Domande frequenti