In the ancient capital of Vientiane, Chinese Premier Li Qiang arrived at the ASEAN summit with trade figures rather than territorial concessions, offering deeper economic integration even as fresh wounds from South China Sea confrontations had barely closed. The gesture reflects a long-practiced statecraft: to bind neighbors so tightly in commerce that the costs of confrontation become too high to bear. With bilateral trade nearly tripling since 2010 and a new free trade agreement on the horizon, Southeast Asia finds itself navigating the oldest of dilemmas — how to accept prosperity without s
China pushes trade ties with ASEAN as South China Sea tensions simmer
Big powers cannot do what they wish in the region
So China shows up to talk trade while its ships are ramming Philippine vessels. How does that work?
It works because the economics are too big to ignore. ASEAN trades nearly $700 billion a year with China now. That's not a side issue—it's the foundation of the relationship. When you depend on someone that heavily, you don't pick fights over territorial disputes.
But we should be clear about what that means. ASEAN isn't staying quiet because it loves China. It's staying quiet because it has to. The Philippines is frustrated with its own bloc members for not backing it up harder.
And the code of conduct they've been negotiating for years—is that actually going anywhere?
Slowly, if at all. They can't agree on whether it should be binding. That's not a small disagreement. A binding code would actually constrain Chinese behavior. A non-binding one is mostly theater.
Right. And we don't know if they'll ever resolve that. The reporting shows progress on the trade pact, but on the conduct code, it just says progress has been slow. That's different.
What about the U.S. and Japan stepping in with their own partnerships?
They're offering an alternative framing—freedom, democracy, rule of law. But they're not offering $700 billion in trade. That's the asymmetry.
And we should note: the U.S. has no territorial claims in the South China Sea, so it can afford to take the high ground on freedom of navigation. ASEAN members actually live there.
So ASEAN is trapped.
Not trapped exactly. But caught between economic necessity and geopolitical principle. That's a real tension, and it's not going away.
And Myanmar is still burning in the background. Nearly 6,000 dead, over 3 million displaced. That's the other thing ASEAN can't solve, and it's happening inside the bloc.
Does any of this get resolved?
Not soon. The trade pact will probably get done. The conduct code will probably stay unfinished. And Myanmar will probably stay a mess until something breaks.
Le Pouls
- Chinese and Philippine vessels clashed at sea just days before the summit, and Vietnam reported its fishermen were assaulted by Chinese forces in disputed waters — yet none of this surfaced in Li Qiang's opening remarks.
- China's economic gravity is nearly inescapable: it is ASEAN's largest trading partner, with bilateral trade surging from $235.5 billion to $696.7 billion since 2010, giving Beijing enormous leverage over what gets said — and what doesn't — in summit rooms.
- A code of conduct for the South China Sea has been under negotiation for years, but the central question — whether it should be legally binding — remains deadlocked, leaving aggressive Chinese patrols effectively unchecked.
- ASEAN's muted response to Chinese territorial pressure has frustrated the Philippines, while the United States deployed naval assets and Secretary of State Blinken arrived in Vientiane to raise the issue directly, deepening the great-power undertow.
- Japan and South Korea are quietly offering ASEAN an alternative framework — patrol vessels, cybersecurity support, and the language of shared democratic values — as a subtle counterweight to Beijing's economics-first embrace.
- Myanmar's collapse continues in the background: nearly 6,000 dead, over 3 million displaced, and a military junta that has abandoned the very peace plan ASEAN brokered — a reminder of the bloc's limits when political will runs thin.
In the ancient capital of Vientiane, Chinese Premier Li Qiang arrived at the ASEAN summit with trade figures rather than territorial concessions, offering deeper economic integration even as fresh wounds from South China Sea confrontations had barely closed. The gesture reflects a long-practiced statecraft: to bind neighbors so tightly in commerce that the costs of confrontation become too high to bear. With bilateral trade nearly tripling since 2010 and a new free trade agreement on the horizon, Southeast Asia finds itself navigating the oldest of dilemmas — how to accept prosperity without surrendering principle.
In Vientiane, Chinese Premier Li Qiang addressed the ten nations of ASEAN with a message centered on markets and mutual benefit — a deliberate framing given that Chinese and Philippine vessels had collided at sea just days earlier, and Vietnam had accused Chinese forces of assaulting its fishermen in contested waters. Li's pivot to economics was not incidental. It was the strategy.
The numbers behind that strategy are formidable. Since China and ASEAN signed their first free trade agreement in 2010, bilateral trade has surged from $235.5 billion to $696.7 billion. China is now the bloc's largest trading partner and third-biggest source of foreign investment. At the summit, both sides announced progress toward an upgraded pact covering supply chains, digital development, and green energy — with negotiations expected to conclude next year.
Yet the territorial disputes shadowing the summit are real and worsening. Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei all hold overlapping claims with China in the South China Sea. China asserts sovereignty over nearly all of it and has grown more assertive in enforcing that claim — sending patrol boats into waters Indonesia and Malaysia consider their own, clashing repeatedly with Philippine vessels, and now allegedly assaulting Vietnamese fishermen. A long-negotiated code of conduct remains stalled over whether it should carry legal force.
ASEAN's response has been restrained — calls for restraint and respect for international law, language that carries little weight without enforcement. The Philippines has grown visibly frustrated with its neighbors' reluctance to apply collective pressure. The United States, meanwhile, has deployed naval assets to assert freedom of navigation and sent Secretary of State Antony Blinken to Vientiane to raise Chinese aggression directly. Beijing has warned Washington to stay out.
Elsewhere on the summit's margins, Myanmar's slow catastrophe drew renewed attention. Since the 2021 military coup, nearly 6,000 people have been killed and more than 3 million displaced. The junta controls less than half the country and has abandoned the ASEAN peace plan it once accepted. Thailand will host an informal ministerial consultation in December as patience with the prolonged crisis wears thin.
Japan and South Korea used the summit to deepen their own ASEAN ties — offering patrol vessels, maritime training, and cybersecurity support, framed explicitly around freedom, democracy, and the rule of law. The contrast with Beijing's economic-first posture was unmistakable. Former ASEAN Secretary-General Ong Keng Yong offered a cautious note of confidence: big powers, he said, cannot simply do as they wish in the region. Whether ASEAN can translate its economic weight into genuine political resolve — or whether the pull of trade will continue to quiet harder questions — remains the defining uncertainty of the moment.
In Vientiane, Laos, Chinese Premier Li Qiang stood before the ten-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations and spoke about markets, not militaries. The timing was deliberate. Just days before the summit, Chinese and Philippine vessels had collided at sea again. Vietnam had reported that Chinese forces had assaulted its fishermen in contested waters. Yet Li's opening remarks steered toward economics: the benefits of deeper trade integration, the need for market coordination in an uncertain world, the promise of an expanded free trade pact that could reshape the region's commercial landscape.
The contrast was not accidental. China's economic weight in Southeast Asia has become almost impossible to ignore. Since 2010, when Beijing and ASEAN first signed a free trade agreement, bilateral trade has surged from $235.5 billion to $696.7 billion last year. China is now ASEAN's largest trading partner and its third-biggest source of foreign investment. That gravitational pull shapes everything that happens in these summit rooms—including what does not get said.
The two sides announced progress on upgrading their trade pact, with negotiations expected to conclude by next year. The expanded agreement would cover supply chain connectivity, digital economy development, and green energy initiatives. For ASEAN's 672 million people, the economic case is straightforward. For Beijing, the timing sends a message: even as tensions simmer in the South China Sea, the relationship's commercial foundation remains solid and deepening.
Yet the disputes are real and worsening. Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei all have overlapping territorial claims with China in the South China Sea. China claims sovereignty over virtually all of it and has grown more aggressive in enforcing those claims. This year alone brought repeated clashes between Chinese and Philippine vessels. Last week, Vietnam accused Chinese forces of assaulting its fishermen in a disputed area. Beijing's response has been consistent: it was defending its offshore territories. China has also sent patrol boats into waters that Indonesia and Malaysia consider their exclusive economic zones.
For years, ASEAN and China have negotiated a code of conduct to govern behavior in these strategic waters, but progress has stalled. The core disagreement remains unresolved: whether the code should be legally binding. ASEAN's muted response to Chinese aggression reflects an uncomfortable reality. The bloc depends on Beijing economically and has been reluctant to push back hard. ASEAN leaders have called only for restraint and respect for international law—language that carries little weight without enforcement. The Philippines, a longtime U.S. ally, has grown frustrated with other ASEAN members for not doing more to pressure China to step back.
The United States, which has no territorial claims in the South China Sea, has responded by deploying Navy ships and fighter jets to patrol the waterway and assert freedom of navigation rights. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken arrived in Vientiane on Thursday to raise the issue of Chinese aggression directly. China has warned Washington not to meddle in regional disputes. The dynamic is familiar: economic integration pulling one direction, geopolitical tension pulling another, with ASEAN caught between.
Beyond the South China Sea, the summit also addressed Myanmar's unraveling. Since the military ousted an elected government in 2021, fighting has killed nearly 6,000 people and displaced more than 3 million. The army controls less than half the country's territory and has abandoned an ASEAN peace plan it agreed to just three years ago. Myanmar's top generals have been barred from ASEAN summits since the coup. Thailand will host an informal ministerial consultation on Myanmar in mid-December as frustration grows over the prolonged conflict.
Meanwhile, Japan and South Korea have been working to deepen their own ties with ASEAN. South Korea elevated its relationship with the bloc to a comprehensive strategic partnership. Japan's new Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba pledged to provide patrol vessels, maritime law enforcement training, and cybersecurity support. Both countries framed their engagement around shared principles—freedom, democracy, the rule of law—a subtle counterweight to Beijing's economic-first approach.
Former ASEAN Secretary-General Ong Keng Yong offered a measured assessment: despite the challenges, ASEAN's diplomatic role remains central to regional stability. "Big powers cannot do what they wish in the region," he said. Whether that holds true may depend on whether ASEAN can convert its economic leverage into political will—or whether the weight of trade will continue to silence harder questions.
Citations marquantes
The global economy is still seeing a sluggish recovery, protectionism is rising and geopolitical turbulence has brought instability and uncertainty to our development. An ultra large-scale market is our greatest foundation for promoting economic prosperity.— Chinese Premier Li Qiang, at ASEAN summit
ASEAN and its diplomatic maneuvers have sustained the relative peace and progress of Southeast Asia to date. Big powers cannot do what they wish in the region.— Ong Keng Yong, former ASEAN Secretary-General