In the long arc of Australian housing policy, the Albanese government's reforms to negative gearing and capital gains tax represent a deliberate wager — that short-term market pain can unlock long-term affordability for a generation increasingly shut out of home ownership. Treasurer Jim Chalmers now finds himself defending that wager as Sydney and Melbourne prices fall well beyond Treasury's own projections, caught between the Opposition's accusations of engineered economic harm and the quiet endorsement of a former Labor prime minister who sees the disruption as overdue. The debate unfolding
Chalmers defends housing reforms as market falls exceed Treasury predictions
Making housing more affordable is a great thing to be doing
So Chalmers is saying the market fall is temporary, but the actual numbers are way worse than Treasury predicted. How does he explain that gap?
He's arguing that Treasury's forecast was always a multi-year projection, not a prediction of what would happen in the first few months. He's also pointing out that house prices have fallen before—seven times in the past couple of decades—so this isn't unprecedented.
But that's a bit slippery, isn't it? If your model said 2 percent and you're seeing 6.7 percent in Sydney, something in your assumptions was wrong. Whether it resolves over time is still an open question.
And the Opposition is saying this was deliberate—that the government wanted prices to fall to raise tax revenue. Is there evidence for that?
Wilson is making a political argument, not presenting evidence. He's connecting the tax changes, the inflation, and the price falls into a narrative of intentional policy. But Chalmers would say the reforms were always about affordability, not about engineering a crash.
The tricky part is that both things can be true. The government can have genuinely wanted to improve affordability and also known that negative gearing changes would cool the market. Those aren't contradictory. What we don't know is whether they predicted this magnitude of fall.
What about first-home buyers? Aren't they supposed to benefit from lower prices?
In theory, yes. But the data shows first-home buyer loans are falling, not rising. And the bottom quarter of the market—where first-home buyers shop—has softened. So lower prices aren't translating into more people buying.
That could be because affordability is still terrible even with lower prices, or because people are waiting to see if prices fall further, or because lending standards have tightened. The source doesn't tell us which.
Keating said losing 10 or 15 percent on house values is worth it for affordability. Does that carry weight?
It does in the debate, because he's a former Labor PM endorsing the boldness of the move. But he's also speaking from a position where he's not currently holding office and doesn't have to defend the economic fallout.
And we should note that the people losing 10 or 15 percent on their house values are not the same people who are locked out of the market. So there's a real distributional question underneath his argument.
Der Puls
- Sydney and Melbourne housing prices have fallen 6.7% and 6.3% respectively in 2026 — far outpacing Treasury's modelled 2% slowdown — with CBA now forecasting declines as steep as 13%.
- Shadow Treasurer Tim Wilson has accused the government of deliberately engineering a housing crash to inflate tax revenues, sharpening the political stakes ahead of a major parliamentary inquiry.
- First-home buyer loan volumes peaked in December 2025 and have since declined, while investor activity has pulled back sharply — suggesting the reforms are reshaping demand in ways that may not yet favour those they were designed to help.
- Building approvals fell 3.6% in July, putting the government's target of 1.2 million new homes by decade's end increasingly out of reach.
- A parliamentary inquiry into intergenerational housing inequity concludes Thursday with major banks and the RBA testifying, and a final report due by month's end — meaning the political reckoning is still gathering, not fading.
In the long arc of Australian housing policy, the Albanese government's reforms to negative gearing and capital gains tax represent a deliberate wager — that short-term market pain can unlock long-term affordability for a generation increasingly shut out of home ownership. Treasurer Jim Chalmers now finds himself defending that wager as Sydney and Melbourne prices fall well beyond Treasury's own projections, caught between the Opposition's accusations of engineered economic harm and the quiet endorsement of a former Labor prime minister who sees the disruption as overdue. The debate unfolding in Canberra and across the country is not merely about property values, but about who the housing market is ultimately meant to serve.
Treasurer Jim Chalmers faced intense political pressure on Wednesday as he defended Labor's overhaul of negative gearing and capital gains tax rules against a housing market falling harder and faster than his own Treasury had anticipated. He acknowledged the reforms had contributed to the decline but insisted it was a temporary correction — part of a longer arc toward affordability — rather than a sign of structural failure.
The numbers were difficult to dismiss. Treasury had modelled a 2% slowdown in dwelling price growth. Instead, Sydney dropped 6.7% and Melbourne 6.3% through 2026, with the Commonwealth Bank forecasting falls of up to 13%. Chalmers pointed to the Reserve Bank's rate rises in February, March, and May as contributing factors, and noted that housing prices had fallen on at least seven occasions over the past two decades. Measured over five years, he argued, median prices had still risen 34.8% — from $701,000 in mid-2021 to $940,000 in August 2026. The reforms, he maintained, were a necessary response to a market that had locked young Australians out entirely.
Shadow Treasurer Tim Wilson rejected that framing entirely, accusing the government of deliberately orchestrating a crash to extract more tax revenue through inflation. The damage, he argued, was not incidental — it was the point. The most expensive properties were falling fastest, down 3.3%, while first-home buyer loans had peaked in December 2025 before declining as the RBA tightened policy. By the June quarter, first-home buyer mortgages had fallen 2.9% from the previous quarter, and investor loans dropped 8.6% — a sharp retreat since the tax changes were announced.
Former Prime Minister Paul Keating offered an unexpected counterweight, endorsing the reforms as bold and necessary. Australian governments had grown too timid, he said. A 10 to 15% fall in house values was a price worth paying for genuine affordability reform.
Meanwhile, the government's own construction targets were slipping. Building approvals fell 3.6% in July, with Queensland recording the steepest drop at 5.5%. The 1.2 million new homes target by decade's end looked increasingly aspirational. On Thursday, the Select Committee on Intergenerational Housing Inequity was holding its final hearing, with the major banks and RBA assistant governor Sarah Hunter set to testify. A report was due by month's end — and the reckoning over what this reform era will ultimately mean for Australian housing was far from settled.
Treasurer Jim Chalmers walked into a political firestorm on Wednesday, forced to defend the government's overhaul of negative gearing and capital gains tax rules as housing prices fell far harder than his own Treasury had predicted. The market downturn, he acknowledged, was partly a result of those reforms. But he insisted the decline was temporary, a natural correction that would resolve itself over time.
The numbers told a different story. Treasury had modeled that Labor's changes would slow dwelling price growth by 2 percent. Instead, Sydney prices dropped 6.7 percent in 2026 and Melbourne fell 6.3 percent. The Commonwealth Bank was forecasting declines as steep as 13 percent. The Reserve Bank, which had begun raising interest rates in February and again in March and May, was also part of the equation—but the gap between what the government had predicted and what was actually happening was too large to ignore.
Chalmers' defense rested on time horizons. The Treasury assumption, he said, was measured over years, not months. Housing prices had fallen on at least seven occasions over the past two decades, he noted, responding to interest rate movements and economic shifts. This was volatility, not catastrophe. He told ABC radio he was "not necessarily" surprised by the recent decline, framing housing as a long-term investment that should not be tracked month-to-month. Over the past five years, median house prices had climbed 34.8 percent, from $701,000 in mid-2021 to $940,000 in August 2026. The reforms were part of a broader effort to address the fact that rapid price growth had locked young people out of the market entirely.
Shadow Treasurer Tim Wilson was unsparing in his response. The government, he argued, had deliberately orchestrated a housing crash and was stoking inflation to collect more tax revenue. "Their active inflation agenda is focused on stoking revenue, stoking inflation, then taxing the inflation, then spending the inflation," Wilson said on ABC radio, claiming this was a pathway to extract more money from Australian households. He pointed to falling home values, rising first-home prices due to tax policy, and a collapse in market confidence—all by design, he insisted.
The damage was unevenly distributed. The most expensive properties were falling fastest, down 3.3 percent so far in 2026, while units and apartments had slipped only 1.8 percent. But the bottom quarter of the market—dominated by first-home buyers—had initially held up after the budget announcement before softening as demand weakened and affordability pressures mounted. First-home buyer loans had peaked in December 2025 and began falling when the Reserve Bank tightened policy in February. By the June quarter, 29,319 people took out a mortgage for the first time, a 2.9 percent drop from the March quarter. Investor loans fell 8.6 percent in the same period, reflecting a sharp pullback in investor activity since the tax changes were announced.
Former Prime Minister Paul Keating broke ranks with the Opposition, endorsing the boldness of Chalmers' reforms on Wednesday. Australian governments had become "afraid" of change, Keating said. Making housing more affordable was worth the cost. "If we've lost 10 or 15 per cent on house values, so what?" he asked.
But the government was falling further behind on its own targets. Building approvals fell 3.6 percent in July, with new house approvals down 4.2 percent. Queensland saw the steepest drop at 5.5 percent. The government had committed to 1.2 million new homes by the end of the decade, and the trajectory suggested it would miss that goal. On Thursday, the Select Committee on Intergenerational Housing Inequity was holding its final public hearing, with the Commonwealth Bank, Westpac, NAB, ANZ, and Reserve Bank assistant governor Sarah Hunter set to testify. A report was due by month's end. The political and economic reckoning over housing reform was far from over.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
If we've lost 10 or 15 per cent on house values, so what? Making housing more affordable is a great thing to be doing.— Paul Keating, former Prime Minister
Their active inflation agenda is focused on stoking revenue, stoking inflation, then taxing the inflation, then spending the inflation, because they know that it's a pathway to sneak more tax from Australian hip pockets.— Tim Wilson, Shadow Treasurer