The law is hereby enacted—clearing the way for military deployment
En Bolivia, donde la historia ha oscilado repetidamente entre el orden institucional y la ruptura social, el Congreso ha despejado el camino para que el presidente Rodrigo Paz despliegue las fuerzas armadas contra protestas que llevan tres semanas paralizando el país. La eliminación de una ley de 2020 que restringía los poderes de emergencia presidencial refleja la desesperación de un gobierno que ve cómo el hambre y la escasez avanzan más rápido que la negociación. Cinco muertes —entre ellas la de un niño de doce años— recuerdan que las crisis de gobernabilidad no son abstracciones: tienen rostros, edades y familias que esperan en carreteras bloqueadas.
- Durante 21 días, campesinos, sindicatos y seguidores de Evo Morales han sellado 61 rutas en seis departamentos, convirtiendo La Paz y El Alto en ciudades sitiadas sin alimentos, combustible ni medicamentos.
- La muerte de un manifestante durante un operativo de desbloqueo el sábado y la de cuatro personas más —incluyendo un menor— que no pudieron llegar a hospitales a tiempo han elevado la tensión hasta un punto de quiebre.
- El Congreso respondió con urgencia: 117 de 130 diputados votaron en más de cinco horas de debate virtual para eliminar la ley que impedía al ejército actuar sin que la policía estuviera desbordada.
- El Comité Cívico de Santa Cruz llegó a planear romper un bloqueo por la fuerza, pero retrocedió ante la intervención de la Iglesia Católica, que teme una espiral de violencia entre civiles.
- Paz tiene ahora el marco legal para declarar un estado de excepción, pero la pregunta que define el próximo capítulo es si lo usará —y qué tan lejos está dispuesto a llegar ante una exigencia que no ha cambiado: su propia renuncia.
El martes, la Cámara de Diputados de Bolivia votó con más de dos tercios de apoyo para derogar la ley que desde 2020 impedía el despliegue militar en conflictos sociales sin que la policía estuviera previamente desbordada. Ciento diecisiete de los 130 diputados presentes respaldaron la medida tras más de cinco horas de debate virtual. Con una sola frase, el jefe legislativo Roberto Castro selló el resultado: "La ley queda promulgada."
Detrás de esa votación hay tres semanas de asfixia. Grupos campesinos del altiplano, la Central Obrera Boliviana y simpatizantes del expresidente Evo Morales han bloqueado 61 rutas en seis de los nueve departamentos del país. La Paz y El Alto son las más golpeadas: los camiones con alimentos, combustible y medicamentos llevan semanas varados en carreteras nacionales y corredores internacionales hacia puertos chilenos y peruanos. Santa Cruz, motor económico del oriente, registra tres bloqueos propios.
El costo humano ya es visible. Al menos cuatro personas murieron por no poder acceder a hospitales a tiempo, entre ellas un niño de doce años. El sábado, un operativo de desbloqueo entre La Paz y Oruro dejó un manifestante muerto por disparos, en circunstancias que aún se investigan. El Comité Cívico de Santa Cruz había planeado romper un bloqueo por su cuenta ese mismo martes, pero la Iglesia Católica intervino para evitar enfrentamientos entre civiles.
Con la derogación de la ley, Paz tiene ahora la maquinaria legal para declarar un estado de excepción y movilizar al ejército. El gobierno argumenta que es la única forma de restablecer el flujo de bienes esenciales. Pero la intervención militar en protestas civiles ya ha cobrado una vida, y la demanda central de los manifestantes —la renuncia del presidente— sigue sin respuesta. Lo que venga dependerá de si Paz decide usar estos nuevos poderes, y de lo que ese paso desencadene.
Bolivia's Congress voted on Tuesday to strip away a legal barrier that had constrained presidential power since 2020, clearing the path for President Rodrigo Paz to declare a state of exception and deploy the military against the country's mounting crisis. The Chamber of Deputies, with more than two-thirds support, eliminated the law that had required the police to be overwhelmed before armed forces could intervene in social conflicts. One hundred seventeen of the 130 deputies present voted to pass the measure after more than five hours of virtual debate. Legislative chief Roberto Castro announced the passage with a single phrase: "The law is hereby enacted."
For three weeks, Bolivia has been strangled by roadblocks. Campesino groups from the highlands, joined by the Central Obrera Boliviana—the country's largest labor federation—and supporters of former president Evo Morales, have sealed off routes across six of Bolivia's nine departments. The blockades have hit hardest in La Paz and El Alto, the two cities most dependent on supply lines that now sit empty. Sixty-one separate route closures were documented as of Tuesday, according to the Bolivian Road Administration. Trucks carrying food, fuel, and medicine have been stranded for more than three weeks on national highways and international corridors leading to ports in Chile and Peru. The eastern region of Santa Cruz, the country's economic engine, has reported three blockades of its own, including one near San Julián that has persisted for days.
The immediate trigger for the congressional action was the paralysis spreading through the capital. Supplies of food, fuel, and medical goods have become scarce. The blockades have killed at least four people—including a twelve-year-old child—who could not reach hospitals in time. On Saturday, a clearance operation between La Paz and Oruro left one protester dead from gunfire; the circumstances remain under investigation. The Civic Committee of Santa Cruz, a coalition of civil organizations, had planned to forcibly break one blockade on Tuesday but backed away after the Catholic Church intervened, fearing that such action would trigger violent clashes between civilians.
With the repeal of the 2020 law, Paz now has the legal machinery to declare an exception to normal constitutional protections. The old law had stipulated that the military could only act once police had been exhausted in their efforts to control a conflict. The new framework removes that requirement, allowing for broader military deployment in response to social unrest. Government legislators argued that this change was necessary to restore the flow of essential goods and break the grip of the blockades. But the move also carries obvious risk: military intervention in civilian protest has already drawn blood, and the underlying grievances—demands for Paz's resignation—remain unresolved. What happens next depends on whether Paz chooses to invoke these new powers, and what the response will be.
Notable Quotes
The law is hereby enacted— Roberto Castro, legislative chief, after the vote
With this law, the government and president will be able to declare a state of exception if they see fit— Government legislator, describing the effect of the repeal
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why did Congress move to repeal this law now, after six years of it being in place?
Because the blockades have created a genuine crisis. Food is running out in La Paz. Hospitals can't get supplies. The government sees the military as the only tool left to break the siege.
But the law existed for a reason, didn't it? What was the thinking behind it in 2020?
Yes—it was meant to prevent exactly what's happening now. After years of military violence during social upheaval, lawmakers wanted to make sure the armed forces couldn't be deployed casually against protesters. They required the police to be overwhelmed first.
And now that's gone. What does that actually change on the ground?
It means the president can order soldiers into the streets without waiting for police to fail. It's faster, broader, and it removes a legal brake on how much force can be used.
Has the military already been involved?
Yes. A Saturday operation to clear a route between La Paz and Oruro killed a protester. So we're not talking about a hypothetical—we're talking about what happens when you remove the legal constraints on something that's already happening.
What do the protesters want?
Paz's resignation. The campesino groups, the labor unions, the Morales supporters—they're united on that. The blockades are their leverage. But now the government has legal cover to use force to break them.