Canada's migration reset offers mixed lessons for Australia's economic debate

Canada's economy is not broken. It is adjusting.
Canadian economists argue that falling employment and slow growth reflect normal labour market adjustment to demographic shifts, not economic crisis.
Mark

So Canada cut migration sharply and didn't collapse. Doesn't that prove Hanson's right?

Mimi

It shows it's possible to cut migration without immediate economic catastrophe. But the conditions matter enormously. Canada was coming out of a recession with high unemployment. Australia has tight labour markets and widespread shortages.

Luke

And Canada's population is still 5 percent above where it would have been without the pandemic surge. Australia's barely above trend. So Canada was correcting a much bigger overshoot.

Mark

What about the long-term picture? Won't aging populations need immigration anyway?

Mimi

Both countries face that. Canada's own economists say the current tightening is temporary—they expect to return to higher immigration eventually. An 11.5 percent smaller economy by 2060 is a real cost.

Luke

But that's a projection, not a certainty. It depends on whether they actually do return to higher immigration, and on productivity gains, and on a dozen other variables.

Mark

So what's the actual risk for Australia if it follows Canada's path?

Mimi

The labour market context is different. Australia would be cutting migration into a tight labour market where shortages already exist. That could push wages up, which sounds good, but it could also slow growth in ways Canada didn't experience.

Luke

And there's the employer dependency issue Ellis raises—Australian businesses have gotten used to hiring overseas workers instead of training locals. That's a structural problem that a migration cut alone won't fix.

Mark

So Canada's experience is useful but not directly applicable?

Mimi

Exactly. It's a proof of concept that migration cuts don't automatically wreck an economy. But Australia's situation is different enough that the outcome could be quite different.

  • Australia's migration debate has hardened into a binary: One Nation demands cuts deep enough to turn net migration negative for three years, while Labor warns such a move would gut services and economic output.
  • Canada has already run the experiment — slashing its temporary migrant share and watching annual population growth fall from 3.1% to 0.5% — and the economy has not collapsed, though GDP forecasts hover at a fragile 0.5–1%.
  • Australian economists are urging restraint before importing Canada's playbook, pointing out that Canada cut migration during high unemployment and post-recession recovery, while Australia faces labour shortages and a tight job market at 4.6% unemployment.
  • Beneath the short-term politics lies a longer demographic reckoning: both countries are aging rapidly, and modelling suggests Canada's economy could be 11.5% smaller by 2060 if its current low-growth era becomes permanent.
  • A quieter structural concern is also surfacing — Australian employers have grown so reliant on overseas labour that the incentive to train locals or raise wages has quietly eroded, a dependency that any migration reset would force into the open.

Two nations built on immigration now wrestle with the same question: how much population growth does prosperity actually require? As Australia's political parties clash over migration targets — from One Nation's call for negative net migration to Labor's 225,000 annual cap — Canada's recent experience of engineering a dramatic population slowdown without economic collapse has entered the debate as both evidence and caution. The comparison is instructive but imperfect, a reminder that economic policy is always embedded in context, and that the same lever pulled in different soil can yield very different harvests.

Australia's migration debate has arrived at a sharp fork. One Nation's Pauline Hanson proposes reducing temporary migrants by more than 750,000 over three years — tightening rules on international students and family members of skilled workers — until net overseas migration turns negative, eventually settling at a permanent cap of 130,000 annually. Labor ministers argue such cuts would devastate services and economic output. Hanson's rejoinder points to Canada: proof, she says, that lower migration restores prosperity.

Canada's experience is real and dramatic. Without announcing a specific target, Ottawa rolled out policies to shrink its temporary migrant population from 7.6% to 5% of the total, with international students absorbing much of the impact. Annual population growth fell from 3.1% in early 2024 to just 0.5% today. The CD Howe Institute's analysis, authored by Don Drummond and Parisa Mahboubi, modelled the consequences soberly: employment may fall this year and next, with GDP growth reaching only 0.5% in 2026 and averaging little more than 1% long-term. Yet the authors framed this not as crisis but as adjustment. Royal Bank of Canada economist Nathan Janzen added a counterintuitive note — per-capita living standards are actually improving even as total employment contracts, once you account for a shrinking population.

Australian economists counsel caution before treating Canada as a template. Jonathan Kearns of Challenger notes that Canada's post-pandemic immigration surge was far larger — its population sits 5% above pre-Covid trend, while Australia's is just 0.2% above. Crucially, Canada tightened migration during high unemployment following aggressive rate hikes. Australia faces the opposite: a tight labour market with widespread shortages. Westpac's Luci Ellis adds that cyclical recovery helped Canada absorb the shock — a cushion Australia does not currently have.

The longer horizon is sobering for both nations. Aging populations mean fewer workers supporting more retirees, and the CD Howe modelling suggests Canada's economy could be 11.5% smaller by 2060 than projected if low growth persists — with weaker tax revenues and rising debt. Canadian policymakers broadly treat the current tightening as temporary, a reset before returning to historical immigration levels.

Ellis raises a structural concern specific to Australia: employers have grown so dependent on overseas labour — from chefs to agricultural workers — that the incentive to train locals or offer higher wages has quietly eroded. High migration with a large temporary component has made it easy to look offshore, and that convenience has come at a cost to the domestic workforce. Canada's experience shows a sharp migration reset is survivable. What it cannot show is whether Australia's distinct labour market, demographic profile, and employer habits would respond the same way.

The argument over Australia's migration policy has sharpened into a stark choice: cut the intake sharply and restore living standards, or risk economic damage by slashing the numbers. One Nation's leader Pauline Hanson has staked out the hardline position, proposing to reduce temporary migrants by more than 750,000 over three years—primarily by tightening rules on international students and family members of skilled workers. To reach that target, net overseas migration would need to turn negative for three years before settling at a permanent cap of 130,000 annually. The government's Labor ministers counter that such cuts would devastate services and economic output. Hanson's response points north: Canada, she argues, has already proven that lower migration restores prosperity.

Canada's experience is real, and it is dramatic. Over the past two years, the country has engineered a sharp reversal in population growth without, so far, triggering economic collapse. The government did not announce a specific migration target. Instead, it rolled out a suite of policies designed to shrink the temporary migrant population from 7.6 percent of the total in 2024 down to 5 percent. International students bore much of the weight. The result: annual population growth plummeted from 3.1 percent in early 2024 to just 0.5 percent today.

Economists studying Canada's adjustment offer a measured reading. The CD Howe Institute, a leading Canadian think tank, published analysis in May titled "Resetting Expectations." The authors, Don Drummond and Parisa Mahboubi, modeled a sobering scenario: employment could fall this year and next. Real GDP growth in 2026 might reach only 0.5 percent, with long-term growth averaging little more than 1 percent annually. Yet they framed this not as crisis but as the normal operation of a labour market responding to demographic shifts. "Canada's economy is not broken," they wrote. "It is adjusting." Nathan Janzen, assistant chief economist at the Royal Bank of Canada, echoed this view. The per-capita economy, he suggested, is actually improving even as total employment contracts—a counterintuitive outcome that makes sense only when you account for a shrinking population.

But Australian economists urge caution before treating Canada as a template. Jonathan Kearns, chief economist at Challenger, points out that Canada's post-pandemic immigration surge was far larger than Australia's. Canada's population still sits 5 percent above its pre-Covid trend line; Australia's sits just 0.2 percent above. Canada's migration crackdown also occurred in a specific economic moment—high unemployment following aggressive interest rate hikes by the Bank of Canada. Australia, by contrast, faces a tight labour market with unemployment at 4.6 percent and widespread labour shortages across sectors. Luci Ellis, Westpac's chief economist, notes that cyclical factors have helped Canada weather its migration reset. The country was recovering from a recession when it tightened the rules. Australia is not.

The longer-term challenge cuts deeper. Both Canada and Australia are aging societies. Fewer working-age people will support growing numbers of retirees. The CD Howe analysis shows that if Canada's current low-growth era became permanent, the economy would be 11.5 percent smaller by 2060 than official projections suggest. The fiscal implications are stark: structurally weaker tax revenues and higher debt ratios. Janzen acknowledges that without immigration, labour shortages will become a permanent feature of Canada's economy. The consensus among Canadian policymakers is that the current tightening is temporary—a reset before returning to historical immigration levels.

Australia's debate, then, sits at a crossroads. One Nation's proposal would deliver the kind of dramatic population slowdown Canada has achieved. But the economic contexts differ in ways that matter. Ellis raises a separate concern: Australian employers have grown dependent on overseas labour, from chefs to agricultural workers, and this reliance has eroded the incentive to train and hire locals or offer higher wages. By choosing high population growth with a large temporary component, she argues, Australia has made it easy for employers to look offshore whenever they need a worker. That convenience comes at a cost—the degradation of the local workforce's skills and willingness to train. The Canadian experience shows that a sharp migration reset is economically survivable. What it does not show is whether Australia's particular labour market, demographic profile, and employer practices would respond the same way.

Canada's economy is not broken. It is adjusting. Understanding that adjustment is a precondition for sound policy in the years ahead.
— Don Drummond and Parisa Mahboubi, CD Howe Institute
By choosing higher population growth with a high temporary component, we have made it easy for employers to look offshore any time they need to find someone for a job. There are definitely industries that have grown to be reliant on that.
— Luci Ellis, Westpac chief economist
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