Burnham to lobby Trump on Ukraine missiles as Kremlin accuses UK of prolonging war

There are other players who could help in the mix who we have influence with.
Burnham on his strategy to solve Ukraine's air-defense shortage through multilateral negotiation rather than relying on any single nation.
Mark

Why is Burnham making this trip to Trump now, rather than working through official diplomatic channels?

Mimi

Because Zelenskyy is running out of time. Ukraine's air defenses are being overwhelmed. Official channels move slowly, and Trump has shown he responds to direct personal appeals from world leaders. Burnham is essentially saying: this is urgent enough that I'm flying across the Atlantic to make the case myself.

Mark

The Kremlin's calling Western leaders a "party of war." Do they have a point—that more weapons means more fighting?

Mimi

That's the argument Moscow wants to win. But from Kyiv's perspective, the weapons aren't prolonging the war; the lack of them is. Without air defense, Ukraine can't protect its people or infrastructure. Burnham's framing—that this is fixable through negotiation—suggests he sees weapons as a path to a negotiated settlement, not endless conflict.

Mark

What does Ratcliffe's Moscow visit actually mean? Is the U.S. talking to Russia behind the scenes?

Mimi

Almost certainly. The CIA director doesn't fly to Moscow for a sightseeing tour. It suggests the U.S. is maintaining intelligence-level communication with Russia even as it's arming Ukraine. That's not contradictory—it's how great powers manage conflicts. You talk to your adversary while you prepare for the worst.

Mark

So there are peace talks happening at the same time as weapons negotiations?

Mimi

Multiple tracks, yes. The Vatican envoy meeting Lavrov, Ratcliffe in Moscow, Burnham lobbying Trump. Everyone's hedging. The West is saying: we'll give you weapons, but we're also open to talking. Russia is saying: stop the weapons and we'll talk. Neither side wants to be caught flat-footed if the other suddenly shifts.

Mark

Who actually has leverage here?

Mimi

That's the question. Ukraine has leverage if the West stays united on weapons. Russia has leverage if it can fracture that unity or convince Trump that a quick settlement is better than prolonged aid. Burnham's trip is essentially a bet that Trump can be convinced the weapons are the faster path to peace.

  • Ukraine's air-defense network is stretched to breaking point, with Patriot interceptor stocks critically low even as Russia intensifies drone and missile strikes on power plants and civilian infrastructure.
  • Burnham's New York mission carries unusual weight — Trump has long been skeptical of open-ended military aid, and the British prime minister must convince him that more Patriot missiles strengthen, rather than obstruct, any future peace deal.
  • Moscow is pushing back hard, with Kremlin spokesperson Peskov branding Burnham and Finnish President Stubb members of a 'party of war' — a framing designed to cast Western arms support as the conflict's true engine.
  • Behind the public confrontation, quieter channels are humming: CIA Director Ratcliffe flew to Moscow on a U.S. military aircraft, and a Vatican envoy met Lavrov to discuss 'avenues for lasting and just peace.'
  • Russia itself is showing signs of internal strain, with Putin issuing decrees allowing temporary state seizure of private infrastructure damaged or left unprotected from Ukrainian strikes — a signal of economic pressure the Kremlin is reluctant to name.

At a moment when the fate of cities and the shape of a continent hang in the balance, diplomats, intelligence chiefs, and peace envoys are converging on the same question from opposite directions: how does a war end, and who gets to decide? British Prime Minister Andy Burnham travels to New York to carry Ukraine's plea for air-defense missiles to Donald Trump, while a Vatican envoy speaks of lasting peace in Moscow and the CIA director makes a rare visit to the Russian capital. The simultaneous pursuit of weapons and dialogue reveals the oldest tension in statecraft — that the path to peace and the path to strength are rarely the same road, yet nations must walk both at once.

Andy Burnham is flying to New York with a specific mission: to persuade Donald Trump to release more Patriot air-defense missiles for Ukraine. The British prime minister made a stop in Kyiv first, where President Zelenskyy pressed him with an urgent request — Ukraine's interceptor stocks are dangerously low, and Russian aerial bombardment of power plants and civilian areas is intensifying. Burnham left sounding cautiously hopeful, describing the shortage as "fixable" through coordinated contributions from multiple allies, though he acknowledged the solution would be complex.

Zelenskyy has secured small deliveries of Patriot interceptors and a French Crotale missile commitment, but military analysts say the quantities are nowhere near sufficient. The gap between what Ukraine has and what it needs has become one of the war's defining vulnerabilities — and Burnham's conversation with Trump, a president historically skeptical of open-ended military commitments, will be a significant test of Western cohesion.

Moscow is watching and responding loudly. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov accused Burnham and Finnish President Alexander Stubb — who had publicly backed Ukraine's long-range strikes on Russian territory — of belonging to a "party of war," arguing that Western leaders pushing arms are prolonging rather than ending the conflict. The accusation is as much a rhetorical strategy as a diplomatic complaint, framing military support as the obstacle to peace.

Yet even as the public arguments escalate, quieter conversations are underway. CIA Director John Ratcliffe traveled to Moscow on a U.S. military aircraft — his first known visit since taking the post — though neither Washington nor Moscow offered any explanation. The same day, a Vatican envoy met Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov, telling reporters afterward that "the Ukrainian war must end" and that they had explored paths toward a lasting settlement.

The picture that emerges is of a conflict at an inflection point — weapons requests and peace overtures moving simultaneously, sometimes through the same capitals on the same day. Russia, meanwhile, is showing its own pressures: Putin signed a decree allowing temporary state seizure of private infrastructure left vulnerable to Ukrainian drone strikes, a move officials insisted was not nationalization, but which spoke to the economic toll the war continues to exact.

Andy Burnham is heading to New York to make a case to Donald Trump that Ukraine needs more American firepower. The British prime minister, fresh from a visit to Kyiv, plans to carry President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's urgent plea for Patriot air-defense missiles directly to the American president. Burnham said he felt "really optimistic" that Ukraine's shortage of interceptor missiles was "fixable," though he acknowledged the solution would require layered negotiations involving multiple countries and partners willing to contribute.

The timing of Burnham's mission underscores the intensity of Ukraine's struggle to defend its cities and infrastructure from Russian aerial bombardment. Zelenskyy has confirmed that Ukraine recently received a small number of Patriot interceptors and secured commitments for French Crotale surface-to-air missiles, but the quantities fall far short of what military analysts say the country needs to sustain its air defense. The weapons shortage has become acute as Russia intensifies drone and missile attacks on Ukrainian targets, from power plants to civilian areas.

Moscow is watching these diplomatic moves with alarm—or at least claiming to be. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov accused Burnham and Finnish President Alexander Stubb of belonging to the "party of war," suggesting that Western leaders pushing for continued military aid to Ukraine are actually prolonging the conflict rather than seeking peace. Stubb had visited Kyiv and publicly supported Ukraine's long-range strikes on Russian territory, arguing they could raise the cost of war for Moscow and push it toward negotiations. Peskov's retort was sharp: these leaders, he said, had "distinguished themselves over the past few days with such bellicose statements."

While Burnham prepares his lobbying effort, another significant diplomatic channel opened in Moscow. CIA Director John Ratcliffe flew to the Russian capital for meetings, marking his first known visit to Russia since taking the intelligence post. Flight-tracking data showed a U.S. military C-17 transport aircraft traveling from the United States through Latvia to Moscow, then departing the same day. Neither American nor Russian officials immediately commented on the visit or its purpose, though multiple U.S. media outlets confirmed Ratcliffe's presence. The visit suggested that even as Western leaders pushed for more weapons for Ukraine, back-channel conversations with Russia were continuing at the highest levels of the American intelligence establishment.

Earlier in the day, a Vatican envoy had met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Moscow. Pope Leo XIV's representative, Paul Gallagher, told Reuters after the meeting that "the Ukrainian war must end" and that the two had discussed "avenues for pursuing lasting and just peace in Ukraine." The convergence of these diplomatic efforts—weapons lobbying, intelligence talks, and peace discussions—painted a picture of a conflict at a critical juncture, with multiple actors simultaneously pushing for military escalation and negotiated settlement.

The Kremlin's accusations of a "war party" in the West reflected Moscow's frustration with the sustained international support for Ukraine's defense. Russia has faced months of escalating Ukrainian drone attacks on its oil refineries and logistics hubs, causing nationwide disruptions. In response, Putin issued a decree allowing the state to temporarily seize control of critical infrastructure from private owners if they failed to protect it from Ukrainian strikes or rebuild after attacks. Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov insisted this did not amount to nationalization, but the move signaled the economic strain the war was placing on Russia.

Burnham's upcoming conversation with Trump will test whether the American president, who has previously expressed skepticism about open-ended military aid to Ukraine, can be persuaded to increase Patriot supplies. The outcome may depend partly on whether Trump sees the weapons as a way to strengthen Ukraine's negotiating position—or whether he views them as obstacles to the kind of settlement he has suggested he could broker. For now, Burnham expressed confidence that a solution existed, one that would require coordination among multiple allies rather than any single nation bearing the burden alone.

I'm really optimistic that Ukraine's interceptor shortage is fixable, but it's probably going to be a solution that involves a lot of layers and a lot of negotiation.
— Andy Burnham
Mr. Stubb and the British prime minister belong to the 'party of war.' They want the war to continue.
— Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov
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