More than two decades after nearly 3,000 lives were lost on a single September morning, the legal reckoning for those accused of orchestrating that violence remains unfinished — caught between the demands of justice, the stain of state-sanctioned torture, and the machinery of a military tribunal that has never reached trial. Now, in a quiet but consequential turn, prosecutors and defense lawyers at Guantánamo Bay are negotiating guilty pleas that would trade execution for life imprisonment, offering a possible resolution to one of the longest-running and most morally entangled cases in America
9/11 prosecutors open plea talks with accused masterminds to avert death penalty trial
A stain on the moral fiber of America
Why are prosecutors suddenly willing to negotiate after nearly a decade of this case going nowhere?
A few things converged. The scheduled hearings got disrupted when one of the defense lawyers stepped down. That created a window. But more importantly, a military jury recently condemned CIA torture in another case as "a stain on the moral fiber of America." That seems to have shifted something in how prosecutors see this.
So the torture is the real issue here, not the crimes themselves?
It's both. The defendants were clearly involved in planning the attacks. But the defense has built their entire strategy around the argument that the U.S. lost the moral authority to execute them because of what happened to them in CIA custody. Waterboarding Mohammed 183 times, sleep deprivation, beatings—it's all documented.
If they plead guilty, do they still get to argue about the torture?
Not in the same way. A plea deal means they admit their crimes in writing. But the torture becomes part of the sentencing phase, when a military jury decides whether they get life or death. That's where the jury's reaction to torture in other cases might matter.
What do the defendants actually want out of this?
First, they want the death penalty off the table. Second, they want to stay at Guantánamo if they're convicted, not be sent to supermax in Colorado where they'd be in solitary 23 hours a day. They've been clear about that since the Trump administration tried this before.
Does Biden want this deal?
He wants to close Guantánamo, but he's not saying yes or no to this. His National Security Council basically told the defense: we're not taking a position. Which means prosecutors can negotiate, but the White House won't be blamed if it happens.
What happens if they plead guilty?
They have to write out detailed admissions of what they did, working with prosecutors. Then a jury of U.S. military officers hears arguments from both sides and decides the sentence. Even if there's a secret cap on the sentence in the plea agreement, the jury still has to formally vote. That could take months.
The Pulse
- A case frozen in pretrial limbo for nearly a decade suddenly cracked open when a defense lawyer's unexpected withdrawal created space for prosecutors to ask: could there be a deal?
- The specter of CIA torture — waterboarding, sleep deprivation, beatings — has haunted every proceeding, and a recent military jury's condemnation of those methods as 'a stain on the moral fiber of America' may have finally shifted the calculus toward negotiation.
- The defendants are pushing for life sentences served at Guantánamo rather than solitary confinement in a Colorado supermax, a demand that would force the Biden administration to abandon its goal of closing the detention facility.
- A prior attempt at a deal was killed when Attorney General Jeff Sessions intervened, had the overseeing authority fired, and shut down talks — a reminder of how politically volatile any resolution remains.
- Victims' families stand divided on the horizon: some may see a negotiated end as a betrayal of the dead, while others may find in it a long-overdue, if imperfect, accounting.
More than two decades after nearly 3,000 lives were lost on a single September morning, the legal reckoning for those accused of orchestrating that violence remains unfinished — caught between the demands of justice, the stain of state-sanctioned torture, and the machinery of a military tribunal that has never reached trial. Now, in a quiet but consequential turn, prosecutors and defense lawyers at Guantánamo Bay are negotiating guilty pleas that would trade execution for life imprisonment, offering a possible resolution to one of the longest-running and most morally entangled cases in American legal history. The negotiations force a confrontation not only with what the defendants did, but with what was done to them — and what kind of justice, if any, can emerge from that double wound.
For nearly a decade, five men accused of planning the September 11 attacks have remained in military custody at Guantánamo Bay while their case stalled in an endless cycle of pretrial disputes, logistical failures, and a two-year pandemic shutdown. No trial date has ever been set. Now, for the first time in years, there is movement: prosecutors have opened negotiations over guilty pleas that would remove the death penalty and replace it with life imprisonment.
Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, identified as the plot's mastermind, and his four co-defendants are accused of directing the 19 hijackers who killed nearly 3,000 people on September 11, 2001. The opening for talks came unexpectedly when a lead defense lawyer sought to withdraw from the case, derailing a scheduled hearing. A prosecutor seized the moment, emailing defense teams to ask whether plea agreements were worth exploring. Within days, the defendants and their lawyers had compiled a joint list of conditions — with removal of the death penalty at the top.
At the heart of the case lies a profound legal and moral complication: after their capture in 2002 and 2003, the defendants were subjected to CIA torture, including waterboarding Mohammed 183 times, prolonged sleep deprivation, and physical abuse. Defense lawyers have long argued this conduct stripped the government of its moral authority to seek execution. A military jury's recent description of CIA torture as 'a stain on the moral fiber of America' appears to have made prosecutors more willing to negotiate.
An earlier attempt at a deal collapsed during the Trump administration when Attorney General Jeff Sessions intervened directly, and the official overseeing the case was fired. In those talks, the defendants had insisted on serving any sentence at Guantánamo rather than in Colorado's supermax facility, where inmates are held in near-total isolation. That demand remains on the table.
The Biden administration has signaled it will neither endorse nor block the current talks, though any agreement would require approval from the military's convening authority. Unresolved questions remain about which defendants might receive shorter sentences given their lesser roles, and how a sentencing phase before a military jury would unfold. Most consequentially, a deal would require the administration to keep Guantánamo open indefinitely — directly contradicting its closure goals — and would almost certainly divide the families of those killed, some of whom want execution, and others who have grown weary of a justice delayed by the very abuses carried out in their name.
For nearly a decade, five men accused of orchestrating the September 11 attacks have sat in military custody at Guantánamo Bay while their case languished in pretrial proceedings. Now, prosecutors have begun negotiating with their lawyers over something that seemed unlikely just months ago: guilty pleas that would spare them execution and replace death sentences with life imprisonment.
Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, identified as the mastermind of the attacks, and his four co-defendants are accused of directing, training, and financing the 19 hijackers who crashed four commercial aircraft into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and a field in Pennsylvania on September 11, 2001, killing nearly 3,000 people. The case has been stalled by legal disputes, logistical challenges, and a two-year court closure during the coronavirus pandemic. No trial date has been set nearly a decade after the men were arraigned.
The negotiations began last week when a scheduled three-week hearing at Guantánamo was derailed by an unexpected development: Cheryl Bormann, the lead defense lawyer for one of the defendants, asked to step down from the case, citing an internal investigation into her performance by the chief defense counsel. The disruption created an opening. Clayton Trivett, a lead prosecutor, sent an email to defense teams proposing they use the time to discuss whether plea agreements were possible. Within days, the five defendants and their lawyers met in the courtroom and compiled an initial list of requirements, with removing the death penalty as the first item. The lawyers submitted a joint list on Monday.
A guilty plea deal would represent a dramatic shift in a case that has been consumed by disputes over the CIA's treatment of the defendants. After their capture in Pakistan in 2002 and 2003, Mohammed and his co-defendants were held in secret CIA detention facilities where they were subjected to waterboarding, sleep deprivation, physical beatings, and other forms of abuse. Psychologists conducting interrogations for the CIA waterboarded Mohammed 183 times. Defense lawyers have pursued the argument that because of these actions, the U.S. government lost the moral and legal authority to execute the defendants. A military jury's recent reaction to descriptions of CIA torture in another case—condemning it as "a stain on the moral fiber of America" and urging clemency—may have influenced prosecutors' willingness to negotiate.
During the Trump administration, an earlier attempt at plea negotiations collapsed when Attorney General Jeff Sessions learned of the talks and called Defense Secretary James Mattis, demanding there be no deal. Mattis then fired the convening authority overseeing the case. In those earlier discussions, the defendants demanded they serve their sentences at Guantánamo, where they can pray and eat in groups, rather than at the supermax prison in Florence, Colorado, where federal inmates are held in solitary confinement up to 23 hours a day.
The Biden administration has signaled cautious openness to the idea. In early March, a lawyer at the National Security Council wrote to the chief defense counsel that the administration would not take a position on plea deals—neither endorsing nor discouraging them. The letter noted that reducing Guantánamo's detainee population, which currently holds 38 prisoners from the roughly 780 brought there between 2002 and 2008, could include resolving pending military commission cases through pretrial agreements if appropriate. However, the White House stressed it would not interfere with the process or prescribe what to do with any particular case.
Any plea agreement must be approved by the convening authority, currently Col. Jeffrey Wood of the Arkansas National Guard, who was appointed by the Trump administration. If the defendants plead guilty, they would have to work with prosecutors on detailed narratives admitting their crimes, known as stipulations of fact. They would then be brought before a military judge for questioning about whether they cooperated willingly. Under military commission law, a jury of U.S. officers—not a judge—would determine sentences, even if those sentences are capped in secret pretrial agreements. That sentencing phase could span months.
A core unresolved question is how many of the five defendants would receive life sentences without possibility of parole, and whether some of the accused accomplices with lesser roles would receive shorter sentences. Lawyers for two defendants—Mustafa al-Hawsawi, a Saudi prisoner, and Ammar al-Baluchi, a Pakistani national and Mohammed's nephew—have argued they were ignorant of the September 11 plot when they helped some hijackers with money transfers and travel arrangements from the United Arab Emirates.
A plea deal would force the Biden administration to modify its stated goal of closing Guantánamo and instead maintain it as a military prison for at least these five men. It would likely divide victims' families: death penalty advocates would be disappointed or enraged, while others troubled by the role of U.S. torture in the case and the endless delays might see it as a fitting conclusion. The talks are expected to continue through the month as both sides attempt to reach understandings to present to the convening authority.
Notable Quotes
While I cannot guarantee that we will come to terms over these next two weeks, putting a concerted effort focused solely on possible agreements while we are all onboard Guantánamo, where your clients and teams are present, may be our best chance of at least determining if deals can be reached.— Clayton Trivett, lead prosecutor, in email to defense teams
A stain on the moral fiber of America— Military jury, describing CIA torture of detainee Majid Khan in October 2021