Everything learned in war should be implemented at the planning level
On the 1,118th day of a war that refuses to end, Ukraine reshuffled its military leadership and Western allies debated the architecture of a peace not yet arrived — all while Russian drones continued to fall on Kyiv. President Zelenskyy appointed a battle-hardened commander to translate hard-won battlefield knowledge into institutional strategy, even as diplomats in Washington, Paris, and London sketched the outlines of a post-ceasefire order. Humanity's oldest tension — between the necessity of fighting and the necessity of stopping — played out simultaneously on the ground and in the corridors of power.
- Russia launched 90 Iranian Shahed drones across nine Ukrainian regions in a single day, and Kyiv woke again to the sound of air defenses firing into the sky on March 17.
- Zelenskyy replaced his general staff chief with combat veteran Andriy Gnatov, signaling an urgent push to convert frontline experience into smarter, faster military planning across all forces.
- France and Britain are preparing to station thousands of troops in Ukraine as a post-ceasefire deterrent — without seeking Russian permission — while Macron warned that Putin shows no genuine interest in peace.
- Trump's envoy claimed Putin had accepted the 'philosophy' of a ceasefire, but Russia's own diplomatic readout omitted any mention of the proposal, leaving the terms dangerously undefined.
- Lithuania pressed the EU to commit €40 billion annually to Ukraine's defense, arguing that military support must outlast any negotiated pause, because the threat of Russian return will not disappear with a signature.
On March 17, Russian drones were again over Kyiv. Mayor Vitali Klitschko reported the attack as it unfolded, and the sound of Ukrainian air defenses answered from the sky. The day before, Moscow had sent 90 Iranian Shahed drones across nine regions. The war, now past its 1,118th day, showed no sign of relenting.
Yet inside Ukraine's government, something was shifting. Zelenskyy announced that Andriy Gnatov — a commander he described simply as 'a combat guy' — would take over as chief of the general staff. The outgoing chief was reassigned to an inspectorate role. Zelenskyy's reasoning was unambiguous: everything Ukraine's brigades had learned in the field needed to be embedded into the planning and strategy of the entire armed forces. Defense Minister Rustem Umerov called it a 'systematic transformation' aimed at sharper combat effectiveness through restructured command and clearer operational standards.
In the West, the conversation had turned toward what might follow the fighting. Macron outlined a vision of post-ceasefire security in which France, Britain, and allied nations would station contingents of several thousand troops at key locations inside Ukraine — without Russian approval. He was firm that Ukraine could not surrender territory without ironclad guarantees in return, and blunt about Moscow's intentions: Putin, he said, was escalating rather than negotiating, intent on seizing as much as possible before any deal was struck.
Diplomatic threads were pulling in multiple directions. Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff said the president expected a productive call with Putin within the week and believed a deal could come within weeks. Witkoff claimed Putin had accepted the ceasefire's 'philosophy,' though the Russian leader remained vague on actual terms. Meanwhile, Moscow's own readout of a Lavrov-Rubio call made no mention of the ceasefire proposal at all.
Zelenskyy was pressing allies on the economic front as well, urging Canada's new prime minister Mark Carney to intensify sanctions targeting Russia's shadow fleet and banking sector. Carney was set to meet Macron and then Starmer in the days ahead, carrying the message that only maximum pressure could bring Putin toward what Zelenskyy called 'a just and lasting peace.'
On military aid, Lithuania pushed the EU to commit €40 billion annually to Ukraine's defense, arguing that long-term support must not be held hostage to peace talks. Ukraine would need strong deterrence forces regardless of any ceasefire, because the threat of Russian return would persist. Lithuania itself had spent nearly 3 percent of GDP on defense in 2024 and pledged to raise that to between 5 and 6 percent by 2030.
The shape of the coming weeks was becoming visible: Trump and Putin were about to speak, the West was preparing for a post-war Ukraine that might still need defending, and Ukraine was reorganizing its command to fight more effectively in the present. The drones kept coming. The war continued.
On the morning of March 17, Russian drones were again over Kyiv. Mayor Vitali Klitschko reported the attack as it was happening, and witnesses heard the sound of Ukrainian air defenses firing back into the sky. It was the latest in a relentless campaign—just the day before, Moscow had sent 90 Iranian Shahed drones across nine Ukrainian regions. The war, now in its 1,118th day, showed no signs of slowing.
Yet inside Ukraine's government, there was movement. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced a significant change in military leadership: Andriy Gnatov, described by the president as "a combat guy," would take over as chief of the general staff of the armed forces. The previous chief, Anatoliy Bargylevych, was reassigned to inspector of the defense ministry. Zelenskyy's reasoning was direct. Gnatov's mandate was to take everything the country's brigades had learned on the battlefield and embed it into the planning and strategy of the entire armed forces. "Everything that our brigades have learned from the war should be implemented 100% at the planning level," Zelenskyy said. Defense Minister Rustem Umerov framed the broader effort as a "systematic transformation" aimed at sharpening combat effectiveness through restructured command systems and clearer operational standards.
Meanwhile, in the West, the conversation had shifted toward what comes after the fighting stops—or at least, what might. French President Emmanuel Macron laid out a vision for post-ceasefire security. France, Britain, and other allied nations were prepared to station troops in Ukraine as a deterrent, but not in overwhelming numbers. Macron spoke of contingents of several thousand soldiers positioned at key locations, and crucially, these deployments would not require Russian approval. He was emphatic on another point: Ukraine could not surrender territory without receiving ironclad security guarantees in return. On Russia's intentions, Macron was blunt. Moscow, he said, did not appear genuinely interested in peace. Instead, Putin was escalating the fighting and seemed intent on taking as much as possible before any negotiation began.
The diplomatic machinery was grinding forward on multiple tracks. Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff said the American president expected to have a productive conversation with Putin this week and believed a deal could materialize within weeks. Witkoff claimed Putin had accepted the "philosophy" of the ceasefire proposal, though the Russian leader remained vague about what terms he would actually demand or accept. The U.S. State Department's Marco Rubio had spoken with his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov, though Moscow's readout made no mention of the ceasefire proposal itself.
Zelenskyy, for his part, was working the phones with other allies. He spoke with Canada's new prime minister, Mark Carney, pressing him on the need to intensify pressure on Russia through sanctions—targeting the shadow fleet, the banking sector, anything that funneled money into Moscow's war machine. Carney was scheduled to meet with Macron in Paris on Monday and then with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer in London, carrying the message that only maximum economic pressure could force Putin toward what Zelenskyy called "a just and lasting peace."
On the military aid front, Lithuania pushed the European Union to commit €40 billion annually to Ukraine's defense, with similar amounts pledged for future years. Some EU members were cautious about the proposal, but Lithuania's foreign minister Kestutis Budrys argued that long-term military support should not hinge on peace negotiations. Ukraine would need to maintain strong deterrence forces regardless of any ceasefire, he reasoned, because the threat of Russian return would persist. Lithuania itself was walking the walk: it had spent 2.85 percent of its GDP on defense in 2024 and committed to raising that to between 5 and 6 percent by 2030.
The shape of the coming weeks was becoming clearer. Trump and Putin were about to talk. The West was preparing for a post-war Ukraine that might still need defending. And Ukraine itself was reorganizing its military command to fight more effectively in the present. The drones kept coming. The war continued.
Citas Notables
Everything that our brigades have learned from the war should be implemented 100% at the planning level.— President Volodymyr Zelenskyy
Under no circumstances can the Ukrainians make territorial concessions without having any security guarantees.— President Emmanuel Macron
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Why replace the general staff chief now, in the middle of everything?
Because Zelenskyy sees a gap between what soldiers learn in combat and what the command structure actually does with that knowledge. Gnatov is supposed to close that gap—take the hard lessons from the brigades and make them doctrine.
And the timing—is this about the ceasefire talks?
It's both. You need a stronger military position to negotiate from, but you also need to show your people and your allies that you're serious about reform, that you're not just waiting for a deal to fall from the sky.
Macron says troops won't need Russian permission. Does Putin actually care what Macron says?
Not particularly. But Macron is signaling to Ukraine that the West will back security guarantees with actual boots on the ground. That matters for Zelenskyy's negotiating position—he can tell Putin that even if they reach a ceasefire, Ukraine won't be defenseless.
Why is Lithuania spending so much on defense when it's not even in the war?
Because Lithuania shares a border with Russia and Belarus. They're not waiting for the next crisis. They're saying: this is what deterrence looks like, and Ukraine will need it too.
What does Putin actually want from these talks with Trump?
That's the question no one can answer yet. He's being deliberately vague. He might want territory, he might want NATO concessions, he might want to buy time. The vagueness is itself a tactic.
So nothing is actually settled?
Nothing. The drones are still flying. The command is being reshuffled. The West is planning for a war that might not end. Everyone is positioning for a conversation that hasn't happened yet.