UAE accused of training Colombian mercenaries for Sudan's RSF conflict

At least 59,000 killed over three years in Sudan's war; 6,000 killed in three days during el-Fasher offensive; widespread atrocities including summary executions, sexual violence, and ethnic attacks documented.
Young children were among the RSF recruits being trained by Colombian mercenaries
A Colombian mercenary told Human Rights Watch about the composition of forces he was instructing in Darfur.

In the long and troubled history of proxy warfare, a new chapter has been documented: Human Rights Watch alleges that the United Arab Emirates quietly built a pipeline of Colombian mercenaries — trained on Emirati soil, deployed to Sudan — to sustain a paramilitary force accused of genocide. The RSF, heir to the Janjaweed's legacy of terror, has killed tens of thousands since 2023, and the question of who bears responsibility now reaches beyond Sudan's borders to the Gulf. As international pressure slowly gathers, the world is asked once again whether silence and denial are sufficient shields against complicity in atrocity.

  • A detailed HRW report has shattered the UAE's posture of neutrality, alleging it ran a deliberate training pipeline for Colombian fighters destined for one of the world's deadliest conflicts.
  • The RSF's campaign of summary executions, sexual violence, and ethnic massacres — including 6,000 deaths in three days at el-Fasher — gives the mercenary deployment an immediate and catastrophic human weight.
  • A Colombian mercenary told investigators he trained RSF recruits near Nyala, noting that many were children — a detail that deepens the moral horror surrounding the entire operation.
  • The UAE has flatly denied the allegations, but Human Rights Watch and UN experts have corroborated mercenary involvement across multiple Sudanese regions through verified video, testimony, and official reporting.
  • The US has sanctioned Colombian recruitment networks while leaving the alleged Emirati role untouched, exposing a gap in accountability that advocates are now demanding the EU and international community close.

Human Rights Watch released a report this week alleging that the United Arab Emirates constructed a deliberate pipeline: Colombian mercenaries were trained at Emirati military facilities — one near Abu Dhabi, another in the Al Dhafra region — by Emirati nationals, then deployed to Sudan to fight alongside the Rapid Support Forces. Hundreds of fighters passed through these camps, recruited through a private Abu Dhabi security firm. One mercenary described training RSF recruits near Nyala in South Darfur, adding that many of those recruits were children.

The RSF emerged from the Janjaweed militias that terrorized Darfur in the early 2000s, and since Sudan's civil war erupted in April 2023, the group has been documented committing summary executions, sexual violence, ethnic attacks, and torture. A UN panel of experts confirmed Colombian mercenaries operated across Khartoum, Darfur, Kordofan, and other regions — flying drones, manning artillery, and engaging in direct combat. HRW verified footage appearing to show Colombian fighters alongside RSF forces during the assault on el-Fasher, where at least 6,000 people were killed in three days. UN-commissioned experts described that offensive as bearing the hallmarks of genocide. Across three years of war, at least 59,000 people have been killed.

The UAE denied the allegations, stating it does not permit its territory to be used for recruiting or deploying foreign fighters, and that any private entity doing so would be acting outside state authorization. Human Rights Watch noted that neither Emirati authorities nor the security firm responded to requests for comment. The United States has sanctioned Colombian recruitment networks but has not addressed the alleged Emirati role. HRW's Africa Division director called on the EU and international community to press the UAE through suspended military cooperation and arms sales, warning that blanket denials can no longer be accepted as cover for complicity in war crimes.

Human Rights Watch released a report this week documenting what it says is a deliberate pipeline: the United Arab Emirates trained Colombian mercenaries at military bases, then sent them to Sudan to fight alongside the Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary group that has been accused of genocide and crimes against humanity. The allegation adds weight to a growing body of claims that the wealthy Gulf state has been quietly bankrolling and arming one of the world's most brutal armed groups.

The training took place at two locations in the UAE—one at a military facility in the Al Dhafra region, about 155 kilometers west of Abu Dhabi, and another in Abu Dhabi itself. Hundreds of Colombian fighters went through these camps, where they were instructed by Emirati nationals before being deployed to Sudan. One unnamed Colombian mercenary told Human Rights Watch that he trained RSF recruits at camps near Nyala, in South Darfur, in April of last year. He noted that many of the recruits were young children. The mercenaries were hired through a private security firm based in Abu Dhabi called Global Security Services Group, which was chaired by an Emirati national named Mohammed Hamdan Al-Zaabi.

Sudan's war began in April 2023 when a power struggle between the country's military and the RSF erupted into open conflict. The RSF itself has roots in the Janjaweed militias, feared Arab paramilitary groups that committed notorious atrocities in Darfur in the early 2000s. Since the fighting began, the RSF has been documented carrying out summary executions, ethnically motivated attacks, sexual violence, and torture across the areas it controls. A United Nations panel of experts confirmed in a September report that Colombian mercenaries have fought in multiple regions of Sudan—Khartoum, Omdurman, Darfur, Kordofan, and elsewhere—operating drones, artillery, and armored vehicles, and participating in direct combat operations. An RSF commander acknowledged in February that Colombian mercenaries have helped his group operate drones.

The scale of the violence is staggering. At least 59,000 people have been killed over the three years of war, though that figure is almost certainly an undercount given the difficulty of reporting from conflict zones. In October, when the RSF captured the Darfur city of el-Fasher, at least 6,000 people were killed in three days. UN-commissioned experts said that offensive bore the hallmarks of genocide. Human Rights Watch verified videos showing what appeared to be Colombian mercenaries fighting alongside the RSF during that assault.

The UAE's Foreign Ministry denied the allegations in a statement to the Associated Press, saying the country does not permit its territory to be used for recruiting, training, financing, or transiting foreign fighters to any conflict. It added that any private individual or entity providing support to armed groups would be acting without state authorization and in violation of Emirati law. Human Rights Watch said the Emirati authorities and the security firm did not respond to requests for comment.

The United States has imposed sanctions on people and firms in Bogota for recruiting and deploying Colombian mercenaries to the RSF, but has not addressed the alleged Emirati role in the operation. Mausi Segun, the executive director of Human Rights Watch's Africa Division, called on the international community—including the European Union—to press the UAE to end its support for the RSF by suspending military cooperation and arms sales. "Other countries need to stop accepting the UAE's blanket denials," Segun said, "and should put an end to its impunity for war crimes and crimes against humanity." The question now is whether that pressure will mount, or whether the UAE will continue to operate in the shadows.

The recruitment of Colombian private military contractors adds to a growing body of evidence that the UAE provides military support to the Rapid Support Forces, which have repeatedly carried out heinous atrocities in Sudan.
— Mausi Segun, executive director of Human Rights Watch's Africa Division
The UAE does not permit its territory to be used for the recruitment, training, financing or transit of foreign fighters to any conflict, including Sudan.
— UAE Foreign Ministry statement to the Associated Press
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Inventor

Why would the UAE risk its international reputation by backing a group accused of genocide?

Model

The RSF controls territory and resources. The UAE may see strategic value in having a proxy force in Sudan, or it may be about access to gold and other minerals. But the point is that the training and deployment happened—that's documented now.

Inventor

How certain is the evidence that these were actually Colombian mercenaries fighting in Sudan?

Model

UN experts confirmed it. They tracked mercenaries across multiple regions operating drones and artillery. An RSF commander even admitted it on video. The evidence is solid enough that the US started sanctioning the recruitment networks.

Inventor

If the UAE denies everything, what makes Human Rights Watch's report different from previous accusations?

Model

This one has named sources—Colombian mercenaries willing to talk, former military officers, verified videos. It traces the pipeline: training bases, the security firm, the Emirati chair. It's not just allegation anymore; it's a documented operation.

Inventor

What happens to the mercenaries themselves?

Model

That's unclear. Some may still be in Sudan. Others may have left. But they're not the focus here—they're tools. The real question is whether the countries that hired them, and the countries that trained them, face consequences.

Inventor

Does the US response—sanctioning Colombian recruiters but not the UAE—suggest the UAE has more diplomatic protection?

Model

It suggests complexity. Sanctioning a Gulf ally is politically harder than sanctioning Colombian firms. But it also means the supply chain stays intact as long as the UAE side isn't addressed.

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