TSE mantém inelegibilidade de Castro e abre caminho para STF decidir sobre eleições no Rio

The court recorded what actually occurred, not what judges wished had occurred.
The Electoral Court rejected arguments that Castro's diploma should have been revoked, finding insufficient votes for that specific sanction.

Castro and Bacellar were convicted of irregularly hiring 45,500 temporary workers as campaign operatives in 2022, with the Electoral Court rejecting their appeals by 5-2 vote. The ruling maintains Castro's ineligibility but leaves unresolved whether his diploma was also revoked, a technical distinction that affects the succession process.

  • Electoral Court upheld ineligibility of Castro and Bacellar by 5-2 vote
  • 45,500 temporary workers hired as campaign operatives in 2022
  • Castro resigned March 23, one day before Electoral Court ruling
  • Supreme Court must decide if Rio's interim governor is elected directly or indirectly
  • Court president Ricardo Couto serving as interim chief executive since March

Brazil's Electoral Court rejected appeals and upheld the ineligibility of former Rio governor Castro and legislator Bacellar for illegal hiring of campaign workers. The decision clears the way for the Supreme Court to determine whether Rio's interim governor will be elected directly or indirectly.

The Electoral Court of Brazil has closed one door while opening another. On a 5-to-2 vote, the court's ministers rejected appeals from two powerful Rio de Janeiro figures—former governor Ibaneis Rocha Castro and Rodrigo Bacellar, who once led the state legislature—and upheld their ineligibility for electoral crimes. The decision, handed down in early June, confirms what the court had already determined: both men illegally orchestrated the hiring of tens of thousands of temporary workers to function as campaign operatives during the 2022 elections.

The scale of the scheme was staggering. Castro and Bacellar arranged for roughly 27,500 people to be hired through the state's statistics and public servant training center, the Ceperj, explicitly to work as campaign foot soldiers. Another 18,000 irregular hires occurred at the state university, the Uerj, for the same purpose. When the Electoral Court initially condemned them, both men fought back, arguing their defense had been incomplete and that procedural flaws had tainted the judgment. The Electoral Public Ministry also filed an appeal, claiming the court's written decision contained contradictions about whether Castro's diploma—a technical distinction from his mandate—had actually been revoked.

Minister Ricardo Villas Bôas Cueva, who handled the appeals, found no merit in any of these arguments. He determined that only three judges had voted to revoke Castro's diploma, which meant there was no majority on that specific point. To include it in the final ruling would be to attribute a conclusion to the court that the judges had never actually reached. Cueva was joined by four colleagues—André Mendonça, Dias Toffoli, Antonio Carlos Ferreira, and Kássio Nunes Marques—in this reasoning. Two judges, Estela Aranha and Floriano de Azevedo Marques, disagreed, believing the diploma revocation had indeed secured a majority. Cármen Lúcia's position on the diploma question remained ambiguous in the record.

But the Electoral Court's decision is only half the story. The real power now rests with Brazil's Supreme Court, which must resolve a succession crisis that has paralyzed Rio's government. Castro resigned as governor on March 23, the day before the Electoral Court was set to rule on his fate. The former vice-governor, Thiago Pampolha, had already left office the previous year to take a position at the state's Court of Accounts. That left Rodrigo Bacellar as the next in line—but he was disqualified in the same Electoral Court action. Now, with a dual vacancy in the executive branch, Rio needs an interim governor to serve out the remainder of the current term.

The Supreme Court faces a narrow but consequential question: should Rio's interim governor be chosen through a direct popular election, or should state legislators vote to select one? The answer hinges on a technical distinction. Direct elections are permitted only when a dual vacancy results from an electoral cause—such as a cassation for electoral crimes. Castro's resignation, however, is not considered an electoral cause. If the court treats the vacancy as stemming primarily from resignation rather than from the electoral disqualifications, it could justify an indirect election by legislators instead.

As of early June, the Supreme Court had already received four votes favoring an indirect election and one for a direct vote. Minister Flávio Dino requested additional time to study the matter and indicated he would wait for the Electoral Court's final decision before proceeding. With that decision now rendered, the expectation is that the Supreme Court will resume its deliberations and finally unlock the succession process. Until then, Ricardo Couto, the president of Rio's state court system, continues to serve as interim chief executive—a temporary arrangement that has stretched on far longer than anyone anticipated.

To include it in the final ruling would be to attribute a conclusion to the court that the judges had never actually reached.
— Minister Ricardo Villas Bôas Cueva, explaining why Castro's diploma revocation was not included in the decision
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Inventor

Why does it matter whether Castro's diploma was revoked or just his mandate? Aren't both forms of disqualification?

Model

Technically, yes, but the diploma is the credential itself—the proof he was elected. The mandate is the right to serve. If only the mandate is revoked, it leaves room for legal arguments about succession. If the diploma falls too, the disqualification is absolute and cleaner.

Inventor

So the Electoral Court couldn't agree on the diploma question?

Model

Exactly. Three judges voted to revoke it, but you need a majority. Without five votes, it doesn't happen. The court's job was to record what actually occurred, not what some judges wished had occurred.

Inventor

And this affects whether Rio gets to vote directly for its interim governor?

Model

It does. If the vacancy is purely electoral in origin—stemming from the cassation—then direct elections are mandatory. But Castro resigned, which muddies the water. The Supreme Court now has to decide whether the resignation or the disqualification is the primary cause.

Inventor

What's the practical difference for Rio?

Model

If legislators choose the interim governor, it's faster and controlled. If the public votes, it's more democratic but also more unpredictable. Either way, the person only serves until the end of this year.

Inventor

How long has Rio been without a properly seated governor?

Model

Since Castro resigned in March. That's three months of a court president filling in. The Electoral Court's decision was supposed to clarify things, but it's really just passed the ball to the Supreme Court.

Inventor

Will the Supreme Court actually resolve this soon?

Model

That's the hope. Dino was waiting for exactly this Electoral Court ruling. Now that it's final, there's no reason to delay further.

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