Seven candidates emerge in race for Espírito Santo governorship in 2026

The choice before voters will be stark: continuity or rupture.
Espírito Santo's 2026 election presents a fundamental decision about the state's political direction and generational leadership.

Vice-Governor Ricardo Ferraço is the government's preferred successor, while Mayor Arnaldinho Borgo and Vitória's Lorenzo Pazolini represent alternative continuity and opposition options respectively. The opposition coalition includes ex-Governor Paulo Hartung, businessman Aridelmo Teixeira, and federal deputies Helder Salomão (PT) and Nésio Fernandes (PCdoB), each with distinct political alignments.

  • Seven candidates are positioning for the 2026 gubernatorial race in Espírito Santo
  • Vice-Governor Ricardo Ferraço is the government's preferred successor
  • Mayor Lorenzo Pazolini of Vitória is the opposition's main challenger
  • Ex-Governor Paulo Hartung rejoined the PSD in May 2025 after six years without a party
  • Federal Deputy Helder Salomão (PT) agreed to run but only with guaranteed national party support

As Brazil's Espírito Santo approaches 2026 elections, seven political figures are positioning themselves to succeed Governor Renato Casagrande, split between continuity candidates and opposition challengers seeking generational change.

Less than a year before the ballot, Espírito Santo's political machinery is already churning through the question that will define the state's next four years: who comes after Renato Casagrande? At least seven names are circulating now—some from the governor's own coalition, others from the opposition benches—each representing a different answer to whether the state should continue on its current path or turn toward something new.

The choice before voters will be stark. They can back a continuity candidate, someone blessed by Casagrande and his allies, or they can gamble on rupture—a new face, a new generation, a different political project altogether. What's at stake is not just the governor's office but the direction of the state itself over the next four years.

Ricardo Ferraço, the current vice-governor and head of the state MDB, is the government's first choice. He is, in the most literal sense, the natural heir—the vice waiting his turn. If Casagrande steps down in April 2026 to run for Senate, as some expect, Ferraço would assume the governorship and run for election from that position. The arrangement was reportedly settled back during the 2022 campaign, when Ferraço was chosen as Casagrande's running mate. Some observers see it as compensation for a wound that never quite healed: in 2010, when Ferraço was vice-governor under Paulo Hartung and being groomed to succeed him, he was sidelined in a maneuver involving national party leadership. Casagrande, then a senator, ran for governor instead with Hartung's backing, and Ferraço ended up running for Senate. Both won. Now, sixteen years later, the machinery appears to be making good on what was owed. Ferraço, a center-right figure, balanced Casagrande's leftist ticket in 2022 and helped secure support from business and non-left voters. He stepped down from his role as development secretary early this year to focus on the electoral process. The government has invested considerable effort in making his candidacy viable and decisive, though insiders acknowledge there is a backup plan if he falters.

Arnaldinho Borgo, the mayor of Vila Velha, is another continuity option—but one with a different pitch. Reelected with 79 percent of the vote, Borgo has positioned himself as the generational change candidate, arguing that Espírito Santo voters want a younger governor. He left the Podemos party and has been shopping for a new home, even exploring conversations with the PSD, a move that made Casagrande visibly uncomfortable. A late-July meeting between Casagrande, Borgo, and Ferraço smoothed some of the friction. Afterward, Borgo moved closer to the PP, with expectations that he will join the party and run under its banner—if he can make his own candidacy stick. The problem is that no one knows where the PP will actually stand in 2026. Right now it is allied with Casagrande's government and also with Lorenzo Pazolini, the Vitória mayor who is himself running for governor.

Pazolini represents the opposition's clearest challenge. Reelected in the first round, he has been openly positioned by his Republicanos party as a pre-candidate for governor. The party's state president, Erick Musso, left his post as Vitória's government secretary to work full-time on Pazolini's campaign, taking him to events across the interior nearly every weekend to build name recognition beyond the capital. Pazolini's conflict with Casagrande is not new—he was a state deputy who frequently attacked the governor from the assembly floor, and the tensions only deepened during the pandemic. He is expected to become the opposition's main standard-bearer, and he has the backing of the PSD as well.

The opposition coalition is still taking shape. Aridelmo Teixeira, a businessman and two-time gubernatorial candidate who recently switched from the Novo to the PSD, has positioned himself as a backup option. If Pazolini steps back, Aridelmo says he is ready to run. Paulo Hartung, the ex-governor who served three terms and rejoined the PSD in May after more than six years without a party, is also in the mix. Hartung has publicly supported Pazolini but left the door open for his own candidacy, saying he would not refuse if the group called on him. He remains a powerful figure in backroom negotiations, even if he insists he does not plan to run.

On the left, the PT's federal deputy Helder Salomão has agreed to run for governor, but only with guarantees of real support from the national party leadership and President Lula. He would be giving up a nearly certain reelection to Congress to take the risk. The PT's national priorities are Lula's reelection and expanding the party's congressional delegation, particularly in the Senate, where Fabiano Contarato is running. Whether the PT fields its own gubernatorial candidate in Espírito Santo depends on calculations made in Brasília. In 2022, the party withdrew its own candidate to support Casagrande's reelection, but now finds itself frozen out of the government's coalition despite being formally allied. That isolation is pushing the party toward mounting its own campaign. If Salomão declines, Nésio Fernandes, a former state health secretary and physician, has offered himself as an alternative. Fernandes is part of the PT-PCdoB-PV federation and would be ready to run if the PT decides to step aside. The federation's internal dynamics will ultimately determine who, if anyone, carries the left's banner.

The race is still forming. Alliances are being tested, ambitions are being measured, and the political map remains fluid. What is certain is that Espírito Santo's voters will face a genuine choice between continuity and change—and that choice will reshape the state for years to come.

We are together. In the administrative project, partnership between the government and the city. And reaffirmation that at the right time of the political project we will continue together.
— Governor Renato Casagrande, after a July meeting with Ferraço and Borgo
We have a very good name, which is Pazolini, our Vitória mayor, who is positioning himself as a candidate and I think that is a good alternative.
— Paulo Hartung, on Pazolini's candidacy
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Inventor

Why does it matter whether Ferraço or Borgo or Pazolini wins? What's actually different between them?

Model

The difference is less about policy details right now and more about what each represents. Ferraço is the safe choice—he's already in the room, already part of the machine. Borgo and Pazolini are saying the machine itself needs to change, that voters want younger faces. But they're not necessarily saying different things; they're saying them as outsiders instead of insiders.

Inventor

So the real fight is about continuity versus change, not left versus right?

Model

It's both, but the generational question is louder right now. Casagrande is popular enough that his allies think they can win by being him-but-younger. The opposition is betting that voters are tired of the whole apparatus, regardless of age. The left is caught in the middle—they're allied with Casagrande but frozen out of his coalition, so they have to run their own candidate just to have a seat at the table.

Inventor

What happens if Pazolini wins? Does he actually govern differently, or is it just new faces in old chairs?

Model

That's the question nobody can answer yet. Pazolini has been fighting Casagrande for years, so there's real tension there. But whether that translates to actual policy difference—on development, on health, on how the state spends money—that's still unclear. He'd have to build a coalition, and coalitions tend to smooth out the rough edges of what candidates promise.

Inventor

Why is Hartung still in the conversation if he says he doesn't want to run?

Model

Because in politics, "I don't want to run" often means "I'm keeping my options open." Hartung is too experienced, too connected, to be truly out of the game. If Pazolini gets cold feet about giving up his mayoral seat, or if the opposition coalition fractures, Hartung becomes the fallback. He knows it. Everyone knows it. So he stays visible, stays involved in negotiations, and leaves the door unlocked.

Inventor

And the PT—why are they so frustrated if they're part of the government?

Model

Because being in the government and being in the coalition are different things. They have a secretary in the cabinet, but they don't have a platform to campaign from. When Lula runs for reelection, the PT needs to be able to point to something they built, something they can ask voters to support. Right now, they're just passengers. Running their own candidate for governor gives them visibility and leverage, even if they lose.

Inventor

So by 2026, we could have seven different visions for the state, or are some of these people going to drop out?

Model

Some will definitely drop out. The math doesn't work for all seven to run. Ferraço and Borgo will probably consolidate into one continuity candidate. The opposition will likely narrow to Pazolini or possibly Hartung. The left might end up with Salomão or Fernandes, but not both. By the time voting happens, it'll probably be three or four real races, not seven. But right now, everyone is still testing the waters, still measuring their strength. That's where we are.

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