Trabajar coordinadamente permitirá fortalecer la institucionalidad
En los días que anteceden a una nueva administración, una delegación de la Confederación Nacional de Rondas Campesinas y Nativas del Perú se presentó ante Keiko Fujimori con una carta formal y una propuesta de alianza. El gesto revela una tensión tan antigua como la república misma: la distancia entre el Estado central y las comunidades rurales que, durante décadas, han construido sus propios órdenes de seguridad y convivencia. Conarcanp no llega a pedir, sino a ofrecer —su conocimiento del territorio, su legitimidad comunitaria, su capacidad organizativa— a cambio de ser reconocida como interlocutora válida en la gobernanza del campo peruano.
- Las rondas campesinas, históricamente al margen del poder central, se adelantan al inicio del nuevo gobierno para reclamar un lugar en la agenda de seguridad antes que otros actores lo hagan.
- La carta entregada a Fujimori compromete a Conarcanp a combatir el crimen organizado y la minería ilegal dentro del marco constitucional, descartando cualquier lectura de justicia paralela o extrajudicial.
- El líder Valentín Sánchez Mestanza firma el documento con un argumento implícito: el Estado necesita lo que las comunidades rurales ya tienen —confianza local, redes organizadas y conocimiento del territorio.
- La confederación pide, más allá de la seguridad, un diálogo permanente que las trate como socias de la democracia y no como obstáculos a la autoridad central.
- La pregunta que queda abierta es si este acercamiento responde a convicción política o a cálculo pragmático para asegurar recursos e influencia para las comunidades rurales en el nuevo ciclo de gobierno.
Una delegación de la Confederación Nacional de Rondas Campesinas y Nativas del Perú —Conarcanp— llegó a la oficina de la presidenta electa Keiko Fujimori en San Isidro con una carta formal y una propuesta clara: trabajar de manera coordinada con el nuevo gobierno en materia de seguridad ciudadana, combate al crimen organizado, erradicación de la minería ilegal y desarrollo rural. El gesto, cargado de simbolismo institucional, marcó el inicio de un posicionamiento estratégico por parte de organizaciones que históricamente han operado con autonomía frente al Estado.
Conarcanp representa una red de fuerzas de seguridad comunitaria que lleva décadas cubriendo los vacíos que el Estado no ha podido —o no ha querido— llenar en el campo peruano. Su carta a Fujimori fue explícita en los términos del compromiso: colaboración dentro del marco constitucional y la legislación que regula a las rondas, sin ambigüedad sobre los límites de su actuación. No ofrecían músculo extrajudicial, sino asociación institucional.
Valentín Sánchez Mestanza, al frente de la confederación, firmó el documento con un argumento de fondo: cuando el gobierno y las comunidades organizadas actúan juntos, se fortalece la institucionalidad, mejora la seguridad y se amplían las oportunidades económicas. La confederación dejó en claro que el Perú rural posee recursos que el Estado necesita —capacidad organizativa, conocimiento local, legitimidad comunitaria— y que una nueva administración haría bien en tender puentes en lugar de levantar muros.
Más allá de la agenda de seguridad, la visita fue también una declaración política: Conarcanp pidió ser tratada como socia en la gobernanza democrática, no como un actor a controlar. El momento elegido —en plena transición— sugiere que el liderazgo rural se movió rápido para establecer vínculos con el nuevo poder antes que otros lo hicieran. La carta fue, a la vez, una oferta y una posición negociadora: podemos ayudarle a gobernar el campo, pero tendrá que escucharnos.
A delegation from Peru's National Confederation of Peasant and Native Patrols arrived at the San Isidro office of president-elect Keiko Fujimori on a mission of political alignment. They came bearing a formal letter, a gesture of institutional respect that signaled their willingness to work within the incoming administration's security agenda. The visit itself was the message: rural organizations, historically independent and sometimes at odds with central authority, were offering their cooperation.
The Confederation of Peasant and Native Patrols—known by its Spanish acronym Conarcanp—represents a network of community-based security forces that have operated across Peru's countryside for decades, often filling gaps left by the state. Their letter to Fujimori was explicit about the terms of engagement. They pledged to work in coordination with the national government on efforts to combat organized crime, dismantle illegal mining operations, strengthen citizen security, and support rural development. Crucially, they framed this commitment within constitutional bounds and the legal framework governing peasant patrols, signaling they were not offering extrajudicial muscle but rather institutional partnership.
Valentín Sánchez Mestanza, who leads Conarcanp, signed the document with language that emphasized the mutual benefit of state-society collaboration. The confederation's position was that when the government and organized communities worked together, institutional strength would follow. Security would improve. Economic opportunity would expand. The implicit argument was that rural Peru had resources—organizational capacity, local knowledge, community trust—that the state needed, and that a new administration should recognize this and build bridges rather than walls.
Beyond the immediate security agenda, the letter carried a broader political statement. Conarcanp expressed confidence that Fujimori's government would maintain ongoing dialogue with social organizations, treating them as partners in democratic governance rather than obstacles or competitors. This was a plea for inclusion, for a style of rule that consulted rather than imposed. The confederation was essentially saying: we are here, we are organized, we have legitimacy in our communities, and we want to be part of the solution.
The timing of the visit—early in the transition period—suggested that rural leadership was moving quickly to establish relationships with the incoming administration. Whether this reflected genuine enthusiasm for Fujimori's platform or pragmatic calculation about how to secure resources and influence for rural constituencies remained an open question. What was clear was that Conarcanp saw an opportunity to position peasant patrols as essential infrastructure for the government's security objectives, and they were staking that claim before other actors could. The letter was both an offer and a negotiating position: we can help you govern the countryside, but you will need to listen to us.
Citações Notáveis
Nuestra organización ratifica su disposición de trabajar coordinadamente con el Gobierno Nacional en acciones dirigidas a combatir la delincuencia, enfrentar la minería ilegal, fortalecer la seguridad ciudadana y por el desarrollo de las comunidades rurales— Conarcanp, en carta a Keiko Fujimori
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why did the peasant patrols feel the need to make this formal visit now, at this particular moment?
Because transitions are when power gets redistributed. A new president is still forming her cabinet, still deciding which groups to trust. If you're organized and you show up early with a clear offer, you get a seat at the table.
But these organizations have been around for decades. Why haven't they done this before?
They have, in different ways. But Fujimori represents something specific—a return to a certain kind of governance. The patrols may see her as more willing to work with them than previous administrations were, or they may simply be hedging their bets.
The letter mentions illegal mining. That's a real problem in rural areas, isn't it?
Enormous. It destroys ecosystems, it funds criminal networks, it destabilizes communities. The patrols have been fighting it on the ground for years with almost no state support. Now they're saying: we can help you tackle this, but we need to be recognized and resourced.
What does "within the constitutional framework" actually mean in this context?
It's a boundary marker. They're saying we're not offering to become your private army or to operate outside the law. We work within legal limits. It's a way of saying we're serious partners, not vigilantes.
Do you think the government will actually listen?
That depends on whether Fujimori's team sees rural security as a priority and whether they trust these organizations to deliver. The patrols have real reach in places the state barely touches. That's valuable. But it's also complicated—there's always tension between community-based security and state monopoly on force.