The military operation is the negotiation itself
At Constantine Palace near Saint Petersburg, Vladimir Putin met with representatives of the world's major news agencies and reaffirmed a posture that has defined his leadership through years of war: negotiations are possible, but only on Russian terms, and the guns need not fall silent for them to begin. Demanding Ukrainian withdrawal from the Donbás as a precondition for peace, and dismissing Western military support as provocation rather than deterrence, Putin placed the burden of resolution squarely on Kyiv and its allies. Behind the confident rhetoric lies a conflict consuming tens of thousands of lives each month on both sides — a human cost that neither territorial claims nor geopolitical arguments can fully absorb.
- Putin flatly rejected a ceasefire, insisting Russia can wage war and negotiate simultaneously — a position that forecloses the one condition Ukraine and most Western governments consider essential for talks.
- He cited daily territorial advances across all front sectors and claimed 2,500 square kilometers of recent gains, though independent analysts and Ukrainian officials sharply contest this picture of momentum.
- Ukraine's military sustainability is under severe strain: an estimated 40,000 casualties and 20,000 deserters every month are hollowing out its fighting force even as Western long-range drones continue to reach — and sometimes penetrate — Russian defenses.
- Putin called on the European Union to stop arming Ukraine and instead press Zelensky to accept the terms outlined in Anchorage, while expressing doubt that Kyiv's leadership genuinely wants the war to end.
- On the edges of the press conference, Putin pressed Armenia to resolve its ambiguous position between the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union, and deflected questions about his own 2030 reelection prospects as premature — even as his domestic approval has hit its lowest point since the invasion began.
Vladimir Putin used a rare sit-down with representatives of the world's major news agencies at Constantine Palace, outside Saint Petersburg, to lay out his conditions for ending the war in Ukraine — and to make clear that a ceasefire was not among them. Military operations and peace negotiations could proceed at the same time, he argued. The conflict would end when Ukraine agreed to withdraw from the Donbás, a demand he traced back to talks with Donald Trump in Anchorage in August 2025.
Putin grounded his refusal to pause fighting in what he described as relentless Russian progress: advances of several kilometers daily in the Zaporizhzhia region, and 2,500 square kilometers of territory seized in recent months. Ukraine wanted a ceasefire, he suggested, precisely because Russia was winning. Western analysts and Kyiv disputed this account, describing Russian territorial gains as largely stalled over the past six months — a gap between the Kremlin's narrative and independent assessment that has become a defining feature of the war's information landscape.
The human cost Putin cited was severe on both sides. He claimed Ukraine was losing 40,000 soldiers monthly and hemorrhaging 20,000 deserters from its ranks each month — figures that, if accurate, would represent a crisis of military sustainability. He acknowledged that Western-supplied long-range drones were penetrating Russian air defenses and striking energy infrastructure, including near Saint Petersburg just days before the meeting, while insisting Russia's defensive posture remained fundamentally stronger than Ukraine's.
Putin called on the European Union to stop supplying weapons and instead use its leverage to push Zelensky toward concessions. He expressed doubt that Ukraine's leadership genuinely sought an end to hostilities, predicting that internal political pressures would intensify if the war stopped. He dismissed accusations that Russia planned to attack NATO as manufactured provocations designed to drive up Western defense budgets, and returned to a familiar grievance: NATO's post-1991 eastward expansion, which he framed as the deeper root of the conflict.
On the margins, Putin pressed Armenia to choose definitively between the EU and the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union, calling the ambiguity unsustainable. And when asked about running for reelection in 2030 — now constitutionally possible following the 2020 reforms — he said he hadn't thought about it. At 73, with his approval ratings at their lowest point since the invasion began, driven by economic strain, internet disruptions, and war fatigue, Putin spoke as though the only question that mattered was whether Ukraine would yield.
Vladimir Putin sat down with representatives from the world's major news agencies at Constantine Palace, just outside Saint Petersburg, and made clear what he would not accept: a ceasefire in Ukraine. The Russian president rejected the notion that military operations would need to pause for peace negotiations to begin. He could pursue both simultaneously, he argued. The war would end when Ukraine accepted Russian terms—specifically, withdrawal from the Donbás region, a demand that had been on the table since a meeting with Donald Trump in Anchorage in August 2025.
Putin's confidence rested on what he described as relentless territorial advance. Russian forces, he said, were gaining ground every day across all sectors of the front, moving several kilometers daily in the Zaporizhzhia region alone. He claimed his military had occupied 2,500 square kilometers in recent months. The Ukrainian side, he suggested, wanted a ceasefire precisely because of these gains. But Western analysts and Kyiv itself disputed this characterization, arguing that Russian territorial progress had stalled significantly over the past six months. The gap between Putin's account and independent assessment was stark.
The human toll he cited was staggering. Ukraine, Putin said, was losing 40,000 soldiers monthly—a figure that matched Western intelligence estimates of Russian casualties. More damaging to Ukrainian military capacity, he claimed, was the hemorrhaging of manpower: 20,000 deserters leaving the Ukrainian army each month. Ukraine, he argued, lacked the personnel reserves to sustain the fight. Meanwhile, he asserted, Russia possessed air defenses that could protect its territory, though he acknowledged these systems needed strengthening. Ukraine, by contrast, had Patriot missiles and other systems but faced a catastrophic shortage of them.
Putin turned his attention to Western military support, accusing NATO countries of flooding Ukraine with drones—some long-range, some capable of striking deep into Russian territory. He admitted that some of these unmanned systems penetrated Russian air defenses. The Russian Investigative Committee had documented that Ukrainian drones striking Russian soil often contained Western components or were manufactured by NATO members including the United States, Germany, Britain, Italy, and Turkey. Just days before this meeting, drones had hit energy infrastructure near Saint Petersburg. Yet Putin framed Russia's defensive posture as fundamentally different from Ukraine's vulnerability.
On the question of NATO itself, Putin dismissed accusations that Russia harbored designs on the alliance as deliberate provocation—a manufactured threat designed to justify increased Western defense spending. He asked rhetorically what purpose an attack on Europe would serve Russia. He circled back to what he saw as Western betrayal: NATO had promised in 1991 not to expand eastward, yet it had done precisely that. He linked this history directly to Ukraine, arguing that the conflict stemmed not only from the 2014 ouster of President Viktor Yanukovych and the suppression of the Russian-speaking population that rejected the change, but from NATO's persistent effort to draw Kyiv into its orbit.
Putin called on the European Union to stop sending weapons and instead pressure Ukraine's government to make concessions. He suggested that if President Volodymyr Zelensky accepted the terms discussed in Anchorage, the conflict would end quickly. But he expressed skepticism that Kyiv would do so. Internal political struggles, he predicted, would intensify if the war ended, and he believed Ukraine's leadership was not genuinely interested in stopping military operations. The responsibility, he implied, lay with the United States to convince its ally to yield.
On a separate matter, Putin pressed Armenia to decide quickly whether it would join the European Union or remain in the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had resisted holding a referendum on EU membership, but Putin insisted the choice could not remain ambiguous. The two blocs had incompatible regulations and trade rules, he explained, and Armenia's status affected the entire structure of the Eurasian union. Pashinyan himself had previously said a referendum was necessary, Putin noted. The Russian leader wanted clarity soon.
Finally, when asked about his own political future, Putin said he had not yet considered whether to run for reelection in 2030, a possibility the Russian Constitution now permitted following a controversial 2020 reform. At 73, with more than two decades in power, he said it was too early to think about it. Russia faced large and urgent problems that demanded attention. His popularity had suffered its steepest decline in recent months since the war began, according to polling, driven by internet outages, economic contraction, and war fatigue. Yet Putin spoke as though the immediate question was not his tenure but Ukraine's capitulation.
Citas Notables
For peace negotiations to begin, there is no need to stop military operations— Vladimir Putin
Ukraine knows well what we discussed in Anchorage. If those terms are accepted, the conflict would reach its natural end quickly— Vladimir Putin
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Why reject a ceasefire if you're confident in your military position? Wouldn't a pause actually strengthen your negotiating hand?
Putin sees it differently. He believes Ukraine wants the ceasefire precisely because Russia is advancing. Accepting one would signal weakness and remove the pressure that might force Kyiv to concede territory. The military operation is the negotiation.
But the casualty figures he cited—40,000 Ukrainian losses monthly, 20,000 deserters—these are devastating numbers. Can Ukraine sustain that?
That's the calculation he's making. He's betting Ukraine's manpower will collapse before Russia's will. Whether those numbers are accurate is another question entirely. Western intelligence suggests Russian losses are equally severe.
He mentioned Anchorage and Trump. Does that suggest the U.S. is aligned with Russia's demands?
Putin is trying to create that impression. He's saying Trump agreed to certain terms and now it's up to Washington to convince Kyiv to accept them. It's a way of isolating Ukraine diplomatically.
What about the NATO accusations? Does he genuinely believe the West is manufacturing a threat, or is that rhetoric?
He's using it both ways. He points to NATO expansion as historical fact—that part is real. But the idea that he has no designs on NATO territory? That's the part others find unconvincing, especially given what's happened in Ukraine.
The Armenia question seemed almost casual compared to Ukraine. Why does that matter to him?
It's about the sphere of influence. If Armenia drifts toward Europe, it weakens the Russian-led economic bloc. For Putin, these are all pieces of the same puzzle—maintaining Russian dominance in the former Soviet space.
He said he hasn't thought about 2030. Do you believe him?
Probably not. But saying it allows him to focus the conversation on the present crisis rather than his own succession. It's a deflection.