Any foreign troops would be legitimate military targets
As Western nations gather in Paris to plan a peacekeeping presence in post-war Ukraine, Russia has declared such forces would be treated as military targets — a warning that reveals how deeply the question of enforcement threatens to unravel any future settlement before it is even signed. Along NATO's eastern edge, the Baltic states report intelligence of Russian sabotage plans, suggesting that Moscow's pressure may extend well beyond Ukraine's borders. These developments arrive not in isolation but as part of a broader contest over the shape of Europe's security order — one in which institutional gestures, military threats, and political transitions are all unfolding simultaneously, each complicating the others.
- Russia's foreign ministry has declared that any multinational peacekeeping force deployed to Ukraine would be treated as a legitimate military target, turning a stabilization mechanism into a potential flashpoint.
- Baltic intelligence agencies in Lithuania and Latvia are tracking signs of Russian planning for strikes or sabotage against NATO infrastructure, raising fears that Moscow may seek to test the alliance's resolve beyond Ukraine.
- Even as threats mount, the EU is deepening its institutional ties with Ukraine — signing a landmark drone manufacturing partnership and advancing a new sanctions package — while von der Leyen traveled to Kyiv in a show of solidarity.
- Ukraine's President Zelenskyy reshuffled his government's economic leadership, endorsing energy chief Sergii Koretsky as prime minister ahead of a critical winter, signaling a pivot toward domestic resilience.
- Germany's Chancellor Merz proposed an 'associate membership' path for Ukraine within the EU, warning that broken accession promises could cost Europe its geopolitical credibility — and the countries that depend on it.
- In Budapest, the departure of Hungary's pro-Moscow foreign minister Péter Szijjártó to a senior role at Chinese automaker BYD drew accusations of conflict of interest and became a symbol of Fidesz's accelerating unraveling.
In Paris this week, Western allies reaffirmed plans to deploy a multinational peacekeeping force to Ukraine once fighting ends — a measure they see as essential to reassuring Kyiv and allowing its military to recover. Russia's response was immediate. Foreign ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova declared any such deployment unacceptable, warning that foreign troops on Ukrainian soil would be treated as legitimate military targets. Moscow framed the proposal not as a stabilizing measure but as foreign intervention — a direct threat to Russia itself.
The warning lands against a backdrop of deepening European institutional commitment. The EU and Ukraine signed a new defense partnership this week, anchored by a drone manufacturing agreement involving 19 founding partners from both European and Ukrainian firms, with plans to expand into anti-ballistic missile production by 2028. The EU is also advancing its 21st sanctions package against Russia. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen traveled to Kyiv, where Zelenskyy awarded her Ukraine's inaugural Order of Europe — a gesture that underscored how tightly Ukraine's future has become bound to the EU's own credibility.
On NATO's eastern flank, the security picture is deteriorating. Lithuania's President Gitanas Nausėda disclosed that intelligence services have detected Russian planning for targeted strikes or sabotage against Baltic infrastructure. Latvia's President Edgars Rinkēvičs corroborated the assessment during a visit to Vilnius, suggesting that as Russia stalls in Ukraine, it may seek to probe the alliance elsewhere. Moscow dismissed the warnings as fabricated pretexts for further NATO militarization.
Inside Ukraine, Zelenskyy moved to reshape his economic leadership, endorsing Naftogaz chief Sergii Koretsky as the next prime minister — replacing Yulia Svyrydenko after a single year in office. With his party holding a parliamentary majority, confirmation is expected. The appointment signals a government increasingly focused on energy security and winter preparedness.
In Germany, Chancellor Friedrich Merz used his summer press conference to defend a proposed 'associate membership' status for Ukraine within the EU — a middle path between full accession and indefinite waiting. He warned that failing to honor membership promises risked losing not just credibility but the candidate countries themselves, calling that outcome the worst geopolitical outcome imaginable for Europe. He also cautioned the United States against using financial support to back ideologically aligned groups in Germany, a pointed reference to reported American interest in the far-right AfD.
In Budapest, the long tenure of Hungary's pro-Moscow foreign minister Péter Szijjártó came to an end as he resigned from parliament to join Chinese automaker BYD in an international executive role. New Prime Minister Péter Magyar was withering in response, suggesting Szijjártó had spent his time in office effectively lobbying for BYD's state subsidies — and that it was only fitting the company would now pay him directly. Magyar framed the departure as further evidence of Fidesz's collapse, with its leading figures abandoning what he called a sinking ship.
In Paris this week, a coalition of Western nations reaffirmed a plan that Moscow now says it will treat as an act of war. The group—countries aligned with Ukraine's defense—met to discuss deploying a multinational peacekeeping force once fighting stops, a mechanism they believe necessary to reassure Kyiv and give its military time to rebuild. Russia's response was swift and unambiguous. Maria Zakharova, the foreign ministry spokesperson, told reporters that any such deployment would be "unacceptable" and that Moscow would regard foreign troops on Ukrainian soil as "legitimate military targets." She framed it not as a security measure but as foreign intervention, a direct escalation of threats to Russia itself.
The warning arrives as the diplomatic architecture around a potential settlement grows more complex. The European Union and Ukraine this week signed a new defense partnership that includes a drone manufacturing agreement—the first EU-wide deal of its kind, involving 19 founding partners from both European companies like Indra Group and Fincantieri and Ukrainian firms such as LLC Skyfall Industries. The partnership is designed to expand to include anti-ballistic missiles by 2028. Separately, the EU is advancing its 21st package of sanctions against Russia, and Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission president, traveled to Kyiv to receive the inaugural Ukrainian Order of Europe from President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who thanked her for backing Ukraine's bid to join the EU.
Yet even as these institutional ties deepen, the security picture darkens on NATO's eastern edge. Lithuania's president, Gitanas Nausėda, warned that his country's intelligence services have detected signs of Russian planning for targeted strikes or sabotage operations against critical infrastructure in the Baltic states. Latvia's president, Edgars Rinkēvičs, corroborated the assessment during a visit to Vilnius, saying that information from Lithuanian, Latvian, and other NATO agencies "shows various attempts to do sabotage and to lower the security in our states." Rinkēvičs suggested that as Russia finds itself unable to gain ground in Ukraine, it may attempt to test NATO's resolve elsewhere. Moscow dismissed these warnings as "horror stories" designed to justify further militarization of the Baltic region, characterizing them as pretexts for additional NATO infrastructure deployment.
On the Ukrainian side, Zelenskyy moved to reshape his government's economic leadership. He endorsed Sergii Koretsky, the head of the state energy company Naftogaz, as the next prime minister, replacing Yulia Svyrydenko after just one year in office. Zelenskyy told reporters that Koretsky was "surely the most prepared candidate" given the urgent priority of preparing Ukraine for winter. Since Zelenskyy's party controls a parliamentary majority, the legislature is expected to confirm the appointment.
In Germany, Chancellor Friedrich Merz defended his proposal for an "associate membership" status for Ukraine within the EU—a middle path between full accession and current limbo. Speaking at his annual summer press conference, Merz argued that the bloc risked losing credibility if it failed to make progress on membership promises made to candidate countries. "If we lose this credibility, we lose more than that; we lose these countries, and geopolitically that would be the worst thing that could happen to us, Europeans," he said. He acknowledged the accession process is complicated but insisted the EU must move forward, even if only incrementally. Merz also warned the United States against using financial grants to support ideologically aligned groups in Germany, particularly the far-right Alternative für Deutschland party, saying that while Germany does not interfere in American elections, he expected the same restraint in return.
Meanwhile, in Budapest, Hungary's political landscape shifted with the departure of Péter Szijjártó, the longtime foreign minister under Viktor Orbán and a figure known for his regular visits to Moscow despite the war in Ukraine. Szijjártó announced his resignation from parliament to take a senior role in external relations and business development at the Chinese carmaker BYD, working as part of the company's international executive team rather than its Hungarian operations. The move drew sharp criticism from Hungary's new prime minister, Péter Magyar, who suggested on Facebook that Szijjártó's previous government work amounted to lobbying for state subsidies for BYD—and that it was fitting the company, not Hungarian taxpayers, would now pay his salary. Magyar also mocked what he called the "complete disintegration" of Orbán's Fidesz party, with leading figures "abandoning the sinking ship one after another." György László Velkey, a junior foreign minister in the new government, added that while Szijjártó could give up his parliamentary seat, he would not escape scrutiny for his actions in office, promising that the foreign ministry would examine "every contract, every decision, every tax forint spent" from his tenure.
Citações Notáveis
The deployment of any military contingents from countries of the so-called 'coalition of the willing' to Ukraine is unacceptable to our country. We would regard such units as legitimate military targets.— Maria Zakharova, Russian foreign ministry spokesperson
If we lose this credibility, we lose more than that; we lose these countries, and geopolitically that would be the worst thing that could happen to us, Europeans.— Friedrich Merz, German Chancellor, on EU membership promises
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why does Russia care so much about what happens after the fighting stops? Isn't that when their leverage disappears?
Not if they can shape what comes next. A peacekeeping force means Ukraine stays defended, stays in the Western orbit. Russia wants either no force at all, or one so weak it can't actually protect anything. By threatening to target foreign troops, they're trying to make the whole idea too costly.
But don't these countries already have troops in NATO countries nearby? What's the difference?
The difference is consent and clarity. NATO troops in Poland or the Baltics are there by treaty, as deterrence. Troops in Ukraine would be there to enforce a peace deal—to make sure Russia doesn't just restart the war once it's caught its breath. Russia sees that as a cage.
The Baltic warnings about sabotage—is that real intelligence or political theater?
Probably both. Russia has a history of hybrid warfare in that region. But the timing matters. They're signaling: we can hurt you too, not just Ukraine. It's a way of saying the whole post-war settlement will be fragile.
What does Merz's "associate membership" idea actually solve?
It's an admission that full EU membership takes years—maybe a decade—and Ukraine can't wait that long. Associate status gives them some institutional anchor without requiring the EU to complete its internal reforms first. It's a compromise that lets everyone claim progress.
And Szijjártó leaving for BYD—is that just corruption, or something else?
It looks like a man cashing in on connections he built in office. But it also signals something about Hungary's new direction. The new government is making a point: we're done with the Moscow playbook. Even if the optics are messy.