India will keep talking to Moscow, even if the West doesn't approve
In the ancient city of Samarkand, Prime Minister Modi arrived at a crossroads of civilizations and contemporary tensions, where the leaders of three nuclear powers gathered for the first time since the pandemic reshaped the world order. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit offered India a rare stage to hold its ground between competing allegiances — maintaining ties with a sanctioned Russia, managing a fragile peace with China, and signaling its ambitions as a rising architect of regional connectivity. With India's G20 and SCO presidencies approaching in 2023, this 24-hour visit carried the weight of a nation defining its place in a fractured multipolar world.
- For the first time since Russia invaded Ukraine, Modi sat across from Putin — a meeting that forced India to visibly navigate its refusal to condemn Moscow while preserving its standing with the West.
- The question of whether Modi would meet Xi Jinping hung unresolved, shadowed by two years of military standoff in Ladakh where 60,000 troops and heavy equipment remained locked in uneasy negotiation.
- A potential encounter with Pakistan's Sharif carried its own charged silence — neither government confirmed it, yet both leaders faced domestic crises that made even a brief exchange politically consequential.
- India used the summit to champion the International North-South Transport Corridor and Chabahar port, quietly repositioning itself as an indispensable node in Eurasian trade rather than a passive observer of it.
- With Iran's induction as the SCO's ninth member and India's dual presidencies on the horizon, Samarkand marked the moment India began shaping the multilateral architecture it would soon be asked to lead.
Prime Minister Modi arrived in Samarkand on the evening of September 15, 2022, for a 24-hour visit to the SCO summit — a gathering that brought together the leaders of China, Russia, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Uzbekistan at one of the most fraught moments in recent geopolitical history. India was walking a careful line: preserving its strategic partnership with a Russia isolated by Western sanctions, managing a tense border standoff with China, and preparing to assume leadership of both the SCO and the G20 in 2023.
The one confirmed bilateral was with Vladimir Putin — their first face-to-face meeting since Russia's invasion of Ukraine began in February. Russian officials indicated the two would discuss G20 cooperation, defence, energy, and investment, as well as strategic stability and the Asia-Pacific situation. India's upcoming presidency of the UN Security Council in December added further weight to the encounter.
Whether Modi would meet Xi Jinping remained unconfirmed by both sides. A recent disengagement at Ladakh's Gogra-Hotsprings area had offered a sliver of hope, but a broader de-escalation involving tens of thousands of troops was still being negotiated. Observers considered a formal bilateral unlikely; a brief exchange on the summit sidelines seemed more plausible. A possible meeting with Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif was equally uncertain, though India indicated it would offer condolences for the catastrophic floods that had devastated the country.
Beyond the bilateral drama, Modi intended to use his summit address to advocate for counterterrorism cooperation, regional connectivity, and the International North-South Transport Corridor — a trade route that could link SCO members to India and the Indian Ocean. He was expected to highlight Iran's Chabahar port as a connectivity hub and to invoke the principle of territorial sovereignty, a message with pointed relevance for both China and Pakistan. As Iran was formally inducted as the SCO's ninth member, India stood at the threshold of a new phase of multilateral leadership — one it was already beginning to shape from the floor of an ancient Silk Road city.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi was heading to Samarkand on the evening of September 15, 2022, for a 24-hour visit to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit—a gathering that would bring together the political leaders of three nuclear powers in one room for the first time since the pandemic upended the world. The summit, scheduled for September 15 and 16, would host Modi alongside China's Xi Jinping and Russia's Vladimir Putin, along with leaders from Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and the host nation, Uzbekistan. It was a delicate moment in global affairs: India maintaining a fraught relationship with China while navigating the treacherous middle ground between the West and Russia, which had been isolated by sanctions following its invasion of Ukraine in February.
Modi's bilateral meeting with Putin was confirmed. Russian presidential aide Yuri Ushakov told reporters that the two leaders would discuss cooperation within the United Nations and the Group of 20, with defence, energy, and investment partnerships also expected to feature prominently. The timing mattered. This would be their first face-to-face encounter since Russia's invasion of Ukraine began, though they had spoken by phone since then, most recently on July 1. Ushakov emphasized the importance of the moment: India would assume the presidency of the UN Security Council in December and would lead both the SCO and the G20 in 2023. The bilateral would touch on strategic stability, the situation in the Asia Pacific, and cooperation within major multilateral formats—all terrain that had become more complicated since their last meeting.
Whether Modi would meet Xi Jinping remained a mystery. Both New Delhi and Beijing were silent on the question. There had been speculation that a meeting might occur, particularly in light of a recent disengagement in Ladakh's Gogra-Hotsprings area, where Indian and Chinese troops had faced off for two years. A broader de-escalation involving 60,000 troops and heavy equipment was still being negotiated. If the two leaders did meet, Modi would likely press for a return to the April 2020 status quo, while Xi would raise India's actions against Chinese technology companies. But observers suggested that a formal bilateral with a structured agenda seemed unlikely; a brief conversation at the summit itself was the more probable scenario.
The possibility of Modi meeting Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif was equally uncertain. No official confirmation had come from either government. If such a meeting occurred, India intended to express condolences for the devastating floods that had recently killed thousands in Pakistan. One Pakistani columnist noted the potential significance: if things went well in Samarkand, an SCO summit hosted by India could become a centerpiece of Modi's campaign for a third consecutive election victory in 2024. For Sharif, the meeting would offer a chance to seek relief from both the political crisis gripping his ruling coalition and the catastrophic natural disaster afflicting his country.
Modi's confirmed bilateral partners also included Iran's President Ebrahim Raisi and Uzbekistan's President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who had extended the invitation. Officials were also discussing a possible meeting between Modi and Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. On the main summit agenda, the eight SCO member states were expected to induct Iran as the ninth member. Modi would use the occasion to call for stronger counterterrorism measures across Eurasia, enhanced connectivity, and expanded trade. He would also push for the International North-South Transport Corridor, a project that could connect SCO members to India and the Indian Ocean, diversifying their trade routes and partners. In his speech, Modi was expected to pitch Iran's Chabahar port as a connectivity hub and to emphasize the importance of respecting territorial sovereignty—a subtle message directed at both China and Pakistan. The summit represented a critical moment for India to shape regional cooperation as it prepared to assume leadership of two major multilateral organizations.
Citas Notables
India will preside in the UN Security Council in December, and in 2023, India will lead the SCO and also chair the G20— Yuri Ushakov, Russian presidential aide
Should things go well in Samarkand, an SCO summit in India could become a key element in Modi's third consecutive re-election bid in 2024— Jawed Naqvi, columnist in Dawn
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Why does Modi meeting Putin matter so much right now, when Russia is so isolated?
Because India can't afford to choose sides the way the West wants it to. Russia is still a major defence partner and energy supplier. This meeting says India will keep talking to Moscow, even if the West doesn't approve.
And the Xi meeting—why is that so uncertain?
Because there's real tension. The armies are still facing off in Ladakh. If Modi and Xi meet, they have to either make progress on that or admit they can't. Neither side wants to walk into that without knowing what will happen.
What about Pakistan? Why would Modi want to meet Sharif?
Pakistan just had catastrophic floods. Expressing condolences is the diplomatic move. But it's also a signal that India sees an opening—Sharif is weak at home, and Modi might be thinking about what's possible if he can stabilize that relationship.
How does India's upcoming G20 presidency change the calculus?
It changes everything. India will be setting the agenda for global economic cooperation next year. Every bilateral here is about building relationships that will matter when India is in the chair.
And the Chabahar port pitch—what's that really about?
It's about giving SCO members an alternative to Chinese trade routes. If Iran's port becomes a real hub, these countries aren't as dependent on Beijing. It's connectivity as strategy.