The candidate receiving the most votes would win, period.
En nueve regiones del Perú donde ningún candidato alcanzó el umbral electoral del 30 por ciento, la democracia exige una segunda oportunidad: el 4 de diciembre de 2022, millones de ciudadanos regresarían a las urnas para definir quién gobernaría sus territorios. La ONPE preparó más de 3,400 mesas de votación, adaptó sus sedes ante la negativa de algunos locales, y extendió una concesión inusual a más de seis millones de electores con documentos vencidos. En este acto colectivo y obligatorio, la participación no era solo un derecho cívico, sino una responsabilidad con consecuencias tangibles.
- Nueve regiones quedaron sin ganador en la primera vuelta, ningún candidato superó el 30% requerido, obligando a una segunda contienda entre los dos más votados de cada zona.
- Algunos locales que abrieron sus puertas en octubre se negaron a hacerlo de nuevo, forzando a la ONPE a reubicar mesas de votación y generando incertidumbre sobre dónde votar.
- Más de seis millones de electores con DNI vencido o próximo a vencer fueron habilitados excepcionalmente, ampliando el padrón efectivo solo por ese día.
- El sistema de votación escalonada por terminación de DNI buscaba reducir aglomeraciones y contagios en un contexto de casos de COVID-19 en ascenso.
- En la segunda vuelta no hay umbral mínimo: gana quien obtenga más votos, y ausentarse tiene un costo económico de entre S/23 y S/230 según el nivel de pobreza del distrito.
El 4 de diciembre de 2022, Perú se preparaba para una segunda vuelta regional en nueve territorios donde la fragmentación del voto había impedido que algún candidato alcanzara el 30 por ciento exigido por ley. Las regiones involucradas eran Amazonas, Cajamarca, Callao, Cusco, Lambayeque, Lima provincias, Moquegua, Pasco y Piura, y en cada una de ellas los dos candidatos más votados de octubre se enfrentarían de nuevo.
La ONPE dispuso más de 3,400 mesas de votación, aunque no todas en los mismos lugares que antes. Varios colegios e instituciones que habían prestado sus instalaciones en la primera vuelta declinaron hacerlo nuevamente, lo que obligó a reubicar algunos centros de votación. Para saber dónde votar, los ciudadanos podían ingresar su número de DNI en el portal consultaelectoral.onpe.gob.pe o llamar al 01 417 0630.
Una medida excepcional permitió que más de seis millones de electores con documentos de identidad vencidos o por vencer pudieran sufragar válidamente, aunque solo durante ese día. La jornada seguiría un esquema escalonado: quienes tuvieran DNI terminado en 1 a 4 votarían entre las 7 y las 11 de la mañana; los terminados en 5 a 0, entre las 11 y las 5 de la tarde; y los ciudadanos en condición de riesgo de salud, entre las 2 y las 5 de la tarde.
A diferencia de la primera vuelta, en esta segunda no existía ningún umbral mínimo: el candidato con más votos ganaría sin más condición. La papeleta sería sencilla, con solo dos opciones. Sin embargo, la abstención tenía un precio: las multas por no votar oscilaban entre 23 y 92 soles según la clasificación socioeconómica del distrito, y los miembros de mesa que no se presentaran enfrentaban una sanción de 230 soles. La democracia peruana, en este capítulo, era tanto un deber cívico como una obligación con consecuencias concretas.
Peru was heading into a second round of regional elections on Sunday, December 4th, 2022—a runoff that would determine leadership across nine regions where no candidate had managed to clear the 30 percent threshold required by electoral law in the first round of voting. The National Electoral Office, known by its Spanish acronym ONPE, was preparing more than 3,400 polling stations to handle the vote, though not all of them would be in the same locations as before. Some schools and institutions that had lent their facilities for the October 2nd first round had declined to do so again, according to ONPE spokesperson Cledy Gutiérrez, forcing election officials to relocate voting sites in certain areas.
Voters in Amazonas, Cajamarca, Callao, Cusco, Lambayeque, Lima's provincial districts, Moquegua, Pasco, and Piura would be heading to the polls. In Amazonas, Gilmer Horna of Sentimiento Amazonense Regional had finished first with 23.9 percent, followed by Grimaldo Vásquez Tan of Victoria Amazonense at 22 percent. In Cajamarca, Roger Guevara of Somos Perú led with just over 20 percent against Andrés Villar Narro's 18.9 percent. The pattern repeated across all nine regions—no clear winner, which meant a second contest between the top two finishers in each area.
Finding your polling place was straightforward. Voters could enter their national ID number into the ONPE's online consultation system at consultaelectoral.onpe.gob.pe, or they could call 01 417 0630 for the information. The electoral office had also made an exception for citizens whose IDs had expired or were about to expire—more than 6 million eligible voters would be allowed to cast ballots with outdated documents, a temporary measure that would last only through election day itself.
The voting schedule followed the same staggered approach used in the first round, designed to maintain order and reduce COVID-19 transmission as cases were rising. Those whose ID numbers ended in 1, 2, 3, or 4 were encouraged to vote between 7 a.m. and 11 a.m. Those ending in 5 through 0 should come between 11 a.m. and 5 p.m. Voters in at-risk health categories were asked to vote between 2 p.m. and 5 p.m. The ballot itself would be simple—just two names, the candidates who had advanced from the first round, and voters needed only to mark a cross or X on either the photograph, the party symbol, or both to cast a valid vote.
Unlike the first round, there would be no electoral threshold in the second round. The candidate receiving the most votes would win, period. But there was a cost to not showing up. Under Peru's electoral law, citizens who failed to vote faced fines ranging from 23 to 92 soles depending on whether they lived in an extremely poor, poor, or non-poor district as classified by the national statistics institute. Those selected as table members who failed to appear or refused to serve faced a 230-sole fine. The stakes of participation, in other words, were financial as well as civic.
Citações Notáveis
Some institutions that lent their facilities for the first round declined to do so again, forcing election officials to relocate voting sites in certain areas.— ONPE spokesperson Cledy Gutiérrez
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why did nine regions need a second round at all? What made the first vote inconclusive?
No single candidate reached 30 percent in any of them. That's the legal threshold. When you have multiple candidates splitting the vote, it's possible nobody clears that bar, so you run it again with just the top two.
And the polling places—why were some of them moving?
Schools and private institutions loan their buildings for elections. Some that participated in October decided not to again. So ONPE had to scramble to find new venues. It's a logistical headache, but it happens.
What about people whose IDs were expired? That seems like it would normally be a problem.
It would be. But they made an exception just for this election day. Over 6 million people could vote with expired documents. It was a practical decision—you don't want to disenfranchise someone over paperwork when the election is happening.
The fines for not voting—they're different amounts depending on where you live?
Yes. If you're in a non-poor district, it's 92 soles. Poor district, 46 soles. Extremely poor, 23 soles. It's a way of calibrating the penalty to people's economic reality. And if you're picked to work the polls and don't show up, that's 230 soles.
So in the second round, there's no 30 percent threshold anymore?
Correct. Whoever gets the most votes wins. It's simpler, cleaner. No more splitting hairs about percentages.