Indigenous deputy accuses Lula government of trading away indigenous rights in Congress

Indigenous communities face potential loss of land demarcation authority, affecting approximately 200 ongoing land claims covering 1.2% of Brazil's territory and impacting indigenous territorial rights and climate protection efforts.
Our rights bartered away and auctioned off
Xakriabá describes how indigenous peoples shifted from being a government priority to being treated as political currency in congressional negotiations.

A mixed congressional committee approved a report removing indigenous land demarcation from the Indigenous Ministry, returning it to the Justice Ministry—a key demand of Brazil's powerful agribusiness lobby. Deputy Xakriabá, an indigenous leader who supported Lula's election, says the government lacked commitment to block the change despite having the power to negotiate differently with Congress.

  • Mixed congressional committee approved report removing land demarcation authority from Indigenous Ministry, returning it to Justice Ministry
  • Approximately 200 indigenous land demarcation processes underway, covering 1.2% of Brazil's territory
  • Report must pass both chambers by June 1 to take effect; government signaled Friday it would attempt to reverse changes before plenary votes

Indigenous deputy Célia Xakriabá accuses the Lula government of insufficient effort to prevent a congressional report that would strip the Indigenous Ministry of land demarcation authority, transferring it to the Justice Ministry under pressure from agribusiness.

On Wednesday, a mixed committee of Congress approved a report that would strip Brazil's newly created Indigenous Ministry of one of its most fundamental powers: the authority to demarcate indigenous lands. The change would hand that responsibility back to the Justice Ministry, a shift that indigenous leaders say amounts to a betrayal of campaign promises and a capitulation to agribusiness pressure.

Célia Xakriabá, a federal deputy from Minas Gerais and coordinator of the Parliamentary Front for Indigenous Rights, made the accusation bluntly. She is herself indigenous, from the Xakriabá people, and was among those elected to Congress in the last election. In an interview, she said the Lula government simply did not fight hard enough to prevent the report's approval. "We have not stopped being a priority," she said. "The difference now is that we are a priority as currency to be traded, our rights bartered away and auctioned off."

The report came from deputy Isnaldo Bulhões of the MDB party in Alagoas. It represents a significant reordering of the ministerial structure that Lula established in January when he took office. Beyond stripping the Indigenous Ministry of demarcation authority, the report also weakens the Environment Ministry by transferring management of the Rural Environmental Registry and the National Water Agency to other departments. The agribusiness caucus—one of Congress's most powerful blocs—has long opposed giving the Indigenous Ministry control over land demarcation, viewing it as a threat to their interests. Farmers and ranchers have consistently fought indigenous land claims in court, arguing they are the legitimate owners of disputed territory.

Xakriabá said she met with Bulhões before the vote and told him directly that removing demarcation authority would be like "ripping out the heart of the Indigenous Ministry." She also noted that senior members of Lula's government participated in negotiations over the report. Ministers Alexandre Padilha and Rui Costa had dinner with Bulhões on the Monday before the Wednesday vote to discuss the text. Yet despite these high-level conversations, the government did not deploy sufficient pressure to block it. "There was a lack of effort, a lack of priority from the government," Xakriabá said, "because at that moment they had every condition to negotiate this from the Executive branch."

The stakes are substantial. According to Brazil's National Foundation of Indigenous Peoples, roughly 200 land demarcation processes are currently underway. These territories represent about one-tenth of all already-demarcated indigenous lands and cover approximately 1.2 percent of Brazil's total territory. Many of these cases are stalled in the courts, contested by landowners. Under previous administrations—Dilma Rousseff and Michel Temer—demarcations slowed. Under Jair Bolsonaro, they stopped entirely. Bolsonaro, popular with farmers, has long argued that Brazil already has too many indigenous territories and that further demarcations harm economic development.

Lula ran for office promising to prioritize indigenous issues and restart the demarcation process. In late April, he signed decrees homologating six indigenous lands and declared he would complete all pending processes during his term. Xakriabá acknowledged that the government showed genuine commitment to indigenous causes through April, and she praised Lula's efforts to expel illegal miners from Yanomami territory in Roraima and to address the humanitarian crisis there. But the Bulhões report signals a shift. "There is true commitment from President Lula," she said, "but at this moment there is also an opposing balance of forces, and the government needs to act so that indigenous peoples remain a priority."

The report must pass both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate by June 1 to take effect. If it fails, Lula's original ministerial structure stands. On Friday, Minister Rui Costa signaled the government would work to reverse Bulhões's changes before next week's plenary votes. Xakriabá expressed hope that government negotiators could undo the damage. But she also made clear that indigenous movements will not accept retreat on territorial rights, regardless of which party holds power. "Negotiating our territorial agenda is negotiating our lives," she said, "and our lives are not up for negotiation."

We have not stopped being a priority. The difference now is that we are a priority as currency to be traded, our rights bartered away and auctioned off.
— Célia Xakriabá, federal deputy and indigenous leader
Negotiating our territorial agenda is negotiating our lives, and our lives are not up for negotiation.
— Célia Xakriabá
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Inventor

Why does it matter so much that the Indigenous Ministry loses demarcation authority specifically? Couldn't another agency handle it just as well?

Model

Because demarcation is the entire foundation. Without it, you have no territory, no legal protection, nothing. If the Justice Ministry handles it, you're asking the same institution that defends property rights in court to also recognize indigenous claims. It's a structural conflict.

Inventor

But the government says there's a conflict of interest if indigenous people run the ministry. Doesn't that have some logic?

Model

Only if you apply it selectively. No one questions that farmers run the Agriculture Ministry. The real conflict is political—agribusiness doesn't want demarcations to happen at all, so they frame indigenous leadership as the problem rather than their own opposition.

Inventor

Lula promised this. Why would his government allow it to happen?

Model

That's what Xakriabá is asking. The government had the power to negotiate differently with Congress. Instead, they negotiated away the thing they promised. It suggests indigenous issues matter less when they conflict with other political calculations.

Inventor

What happens if the report passes?

Model

Two hundred land cases get stuck in a system designed to protect property owners, not recognize indigenous rights. The demarcations that were supposed to restart under Lula simply don't happen. The promise becomes a photograph—Raoni at the inauguration, but no actual change.

Inventor

Is there still time to stop it?

Model

Until June 1. The government said Friday they'd try to reverse it before the plenary votes next week. But Xakriabá's frustration suggests she's not confident they'll fight as hard as they should.

Contáctanos FAQ