It is time for these illegal armed groups to offer genuine gestures of peace
En los municipios del norte del Cauca colombiano, comunidades indígenas y afrodescendientes llevan siglos arraigadas a una tierra que hoy se ha convertido en escenario de una disputa armada que no les pertenece. En agosto de 2022, la Defensoría del Pueblo formalizó lo que muchos ya vivían en carne propia: que el enfrentamiento entre disidencias de las FARC y el ELN por el control territorial convierte a los civiles en rehenes de una guerra ajena. Siete líderes sociales asesinados en siete meses son el testimonio más doloroso de que quienes alzan la voz para proteger a sus comunidades pagan el precio más alto. La pregunta que queda suspendida sobre la región es si el Estado llegará a tiempo, o si la historia volverá a registrar otro capítulo de abandono.
- Tres municipios del norte del Cauca se han convertido en campo de batalla entre columnas disidentes de las FARC y la Segunda Marquetalia aliada con el ELN, dejando a comunidades indígenas y afrocolombianas atrapadas sin salida.
- En los primeros siete meses de 2022, siete líderes sociales fueron asesinados en esa zona, una cifra que no es estadística sino el rostro de quienes se atrevieron a hablar.
- El riesgo no se limita a la muerte: el confinamiento, el desplazamiento forzado y el reclutamiento son las herramientas con las que los grupos armados someten a poblaciones enteras a su voluntad.
- El Defensor del Pueblo apeló directamente a los actores armados para que protejan a los civiles, una señal de que el Estado reconoce sus propios límites para garantizar esa protección.
- Las 22 recomendaciones institucionales emitidas por la Defensoría son un mapa de lo que falta: respuesta rápida, enfoque de derechos humanos y presencia estatal real donde hoy solo llegan las armas.
En Santander de Quilichao, Buenos Aires y Caldono, tres municipios del norte del Cauca, comunidades indígenas y afrocolombianas viven atrapadas entre facciones armadas que se disputan el territorio sin importarles quién habita en él. En agosto de 2022, la Defensoría del Pueblo emitió una alerta formal advirtiendo que estas poblaciones enfrentan riesgos graves y concretos: homicidios, reclutamiento forzado, confinamiento y desplazamiento masivo. No son hipótesis: en los primeros siete meses del año, siete líderes sociales de esos municipios fueron asesinados.
El enfrentamiento principal ocurre entre las columnas disidentes Dagoberto Ramos y Jaime Martínez, por un lado, y la Segunda Marquetalia aliada con el ELN, por el otro. La disputa es territorial, pero sus consecuencias las pagan los civiles. El Defensor Carlos Camargo llegó a dirigirse directamente a los grupos armados, pidiéndoles que ofrecieran gestos genuinos de paz hacia las comunidades. La frase reveló, sin eufemismos, que son esos actores ilegales quienes deciden si los civiles viven o mueren.
El contexto nacional amplifica la gravedad del cuadro. Solo en julio de 2022, Colombia registró tres desplazamientos masivos —en Cauca, Chocó y Nariño— y diez eventos de confinamiento, ocho de ellos en Arauca. Camargo identificó las causas con precisión: control territorial ilegal, enfrentamientos entre grupos rivales, amenazas, desapariciones forzadas y restricciones a la movilidad. No son daños colaterales; son instrumentos deliberados de dominación sobre poblaciones civiles.
Ante este panorama, la Defensoría emitió 22 recomendaciones orientadas a fortalecer la respuesta institucional con un enfoque de derechos humanos, reconociendo implícitamente que los mecanismos de protección existentes son insuficientes. El llamado al gobierno nacional para articular esfuerzos urgentes cargaba una advertencia no dicha: sin acción coordinada y rápida, más líderes serán asesinados, más familias abandonarán sus tierras ancestrales y más comunidades quedarán a merced de quienes no reconocen otra autoridad que la propia.
In the northern reaches of Colombia's Cauca department, three municipalities—Santander de Quilichao, Buenos Aires, and Caldono—have become a contested battleground where indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities find themselves trapped between warring factions of illegal armed groups. The Ombudsman's office, led by Carlos Camargo, issued a formal alert in August 2022 warning that these vulnerable populations face mounting danger as dissident FARC columns bearing the names Dagoberto Ramos and Jaime Martínez clash with the Second Marquetalia faction, which has allied itself with the National Liberation Army (ELN). The fighting is not abstract—it is a direct struggle for territorial control, and the communities living in these zones are caught in the middle.
The risks are specific and grave. According to the Ombudsman's Early Warning System, indigenous and Afro residents in the region face a high probability of being killed, forcibly recruited into armed groups, harassed, confined to their homes, or displaced en masse from their territories. These are not theoretical dangers. During the first seven months of 2022 alone, seven social leaders in these three municipalities were assassinated—individuals who had stepped forward to advocate for their communities. The pattern suggests a systematic targeting of those who might resist or speak out.
Camargo made an explicit appeal to the armed groups themselves, calling on them to halt their operations and shield civilian populations from the consequences of their territorial disputes. "It is time for these illegal armed groups to offer the communities of this region genuine gestures of peace," he said, acknowledging the bitter reality that armed actors hold the power to decide whether civilians live or die. The statement carried the weight of someone describing a hostage situation rather than a conflict between combatants.
The Ombudsman's office responded to the crisis by issuing twenty-two formal recommendations aimed at strengthening institutional capacity and coordinating a rapid, rights-based response to the threat. These recommendations were not merely advisory—they represented an official acknowledgment that the state's current presence and protection mechanisms were insufficient to shield these communities from harm. The focus on a human rights approach underscored that this was not simply a security problem to be solved through military means, but a humanitarian crisis requiring protection of the most vulnerable.
The northern Cauca situation sits within a broader pattern of displacement and confinement across Colombia. In July 2022 alone, three separate mass displacement events occurred in the country: one in Cauca, one in Chocó, and another in Nariño. Confinement events—where armed groups restrict the movement of entire communities—were even more frequent, with ten recorded that month. Eight took place in Arauca, while Cauca and Chocó each experienced one. Camargo identified the root causes with clinical precision: illegal armed actors controlling territory, clashes between rival groups, threats, forced disappearances, homicides, and restrictions on movement. These are not accidents or byproducts of conflict—they are the deliberate tools through which armed groups exercise power over civilian populations.
The Ombudsman called on the national government to unite its efforts in mitigating these risks and protecting the rights of Colombia's most vulnerable communities. The appeal carried an implicit acknowledgment that without coordinated state action, the trajectory was clear: more leaders would be killed, more families would flee their ancestral lands, and more communities would be confined to their homes by armed groups that recognized no authority but their own. The question hanging over the region was whether the state could mobilize quickly enough to prevent that outcome.
Citas Notables
It is time for these illegal armed groups to offer the communities of this region genuine gestures of peace— Carlos Camargo, Ombudsman
The principal causes of forced displacement include illegal armed actors in territories, clashes between them, threats, forced disappearance, homicides, and restrictions on movement— Carlos Camargo, Ombudsman
La Conversación del Hearth Otra perspectiva de la historia
Why does the Ombudsman's office feel compelled to make a direct appeal to armed groups rather than simply reporting to the government?
Because the armed groups control the territory more effectively than the state does. An appeal to the government assumes the government can enforce protection. An appeal to the armed groups acknowledges the actual power structure on the ground.
What does it mean that seven social leaders were killed in seven months in those three municipalities?
It means anyone who tries to organize, speak, or resist is marked. Social leaders are the visible face of community resistance. Their deaths are a message to everyone else: stay quiet, stay compliant, or you're next.
The report mentions both FARC dissidents and the ELN. Are these groups fighting each other or coordinating?
They're fighting each other for control of the same territory. The Second Marquetalia faction allied with the ELN against the Dagoberto Ramos and Jaime Martínez columns. It's a territorial war, and the indigenous and Afro communities are simply living on the land both sides want to control.
What's the difference between displacement and confinement?
Displacement means people flee—they leave their homes and land, often permanently. Confinement means they're trapped in place, unable to leave. Both destroy communities, just in different ways. Displacement scatters people; confinement suffocates them.
Why would the Ombudsman issue twenty-two recommendations if the government isn't responding?
Because the Ombudsman's job is to document what's happening and demand the state act. The recommendations are a formal record. If the state ignores them, that becomes part of the historical record too.