Tools to restore safety, not party advantage
En un país donde la seguridad ciudadana se ha convertido en una de las demandas más urgentes de la sociedad, Harvey Colchado —exjefe de la unidad anticorrupción y virtual congresista por Ahora Nación— ha respaldado el plan de gobierno de Juntos por el Perú, argumentando que varias propuestas de su propia organización fueron incorporadas al documento. El gesto trasciende la política partidaria para plantear una pregunta más profunda: ¿puede la reforma institucional de las fuerzas del orden convertirse en terreno común más allá de las divisiones electorales? La respuesta, por ahora, está escrita en un plan que aún debe enfrentar la prueba de la implementación.
- La inseguridad y el crimen organizado presionan al sistema político peruano para ofrecer respuestas concretas antes de que la ciudadanía pierda toda confianza en las instituciones.
- Colchado rompe con la lógica del enfrentamiento entre partidos al reconocer públicamente que propuestas de Ahora Nación fueron recogidas por una fuerza política distinta, JP.
- El plan propone convertir la DIVIAC en una dirección especializada con mayor autonomía, crear un sistema informático interoperable entre policía, fiscalía, poder judicial y el INPE, y desplegar inteligencia policial en zonas de alto riesgo.
- La reforma apunta también a la raíz del problema: ingreso a academias policiales supervisado por universidades públicas de élite, polígrafo obligatorio y sanciones automáticas ante denuncias de corrupción interna.
- El plan aterriza en un momento electoral cargado de escepticismo, y su credibilidad dependerá de si las instituciones involucradas tienen voluntad y capacidad real para ejecutarlo.
Harvey Colchado, virtual congresista por Lima y exjefe de la unidad de crímenes de alta complejidad, respaldó el plan de gobierno de Juntos por el Perú al considerar que varias propuestas impulsadas por Ahora Nación fueron incorporadas al documento. Lejos de presentarlo como un triunfo partidario, Colchado lo enmarcó como un conjunto de herramientas prácticas orientadas a restaurar la seguridad en el país.
El punto más destacado es la transformación de la DIVIAC en una dirección especializada con mayor autonomía operativa, lo que ampliaría su capacidad para perseguir casos de corrupción y crimen organizado a escala nacional. La propuesta adquiere un peso particular viniendo de quien dirigió esa misma unidad.
El plan también contempla el despliegue de oficiales de inteligencia policial en zonas de alta criminalidad, nuevas herramientas tecnológicas para combatir redes de extorsión y la creación de un sistema informático interoperable que conecte a la Policía Nacional, el Ministerio Público, el Poder Judicial y el INPE, con el objetivo de agilizar el intercambio de información entre instituciones.
En materia de formación policial, el ingreso a las academias quedaría bajo supervisión de una de las cinco mejores universidades públicas del país, con la Sunedu fiscalizando directamente las escuelas de oficiales. El uso del polígrafo sería obligatorio en ciertos procesos de selección y ascenso.
La corrupción interna también recibe atención explícita: investigaciones sumarias ante cualquier denuncia, una unidad especializada para estos casos y criterios de ascenso que prioricen la conducta disciplinaria sobre la antigüedad. Para fortalecer la lucha contra el crimen organizado, se propone además un bono anticriminalidad para investigadores y una coordinación más estrecha con la Unidad de Inteligencia Financiera. Si estas medidas resistirán el paso de las promesas a la práctica es, todavía, una pregunta abierta.
Harvey Colchado, a virtual deputy for Lima representing the Ahora Nación party and former head of Peru's specialized crimes unit, has thrown his weight behind Juntos por el Perú's newly unveiled government plan. In a statement posted to social media, Colchado argued that several security proposals championed by his own political organization found their way into the document—measures he describes not as partisan positioning but as practical tools to restore safety across the country.
The centerpiece of what Colchado is highlighting is the elevation of the DIVIAC, the Division for Investigation of High-Complexity Crimes, from its current status to a specialized directorate with expanded operational reach and autonomy. This structural change, he argues, would strengthen the unit's capacity to pursue corruption cases and organized crime investigations at the national level. It's a proposal that carries particular weight coming from someone who once ran the division itself.
Beyond the DIVIAC restructuring, Colchado points to a suite of intelligence and technology initiatives woven into the plan. Police intelligence officers would be stationed in precincts located in high-crime zones, while new technological tools would be deployed specifically to combat extortion networks. The proposals also include the creation of an interoperable computer system linking the National Police, the Public Ministry, the Judiciary, and the National Penitentiary Institute—a move designed to accelerate information sharing between institutions and improve tracking of investigations into criminal organizations.
The plan takes aim at police recruitment and training as well. Admission to the National Police academies would be overseen by one of Peru's five top public universities, a shift intended to raise standards at the entry level. The Sunedu, Peru's university oversight body, would supervise the officer schools directly. Polygraph testing would become mandatory for certain selection and promotion processes. These measures reflect a broader push to professionalize the force from the ground up.
Corruption within the police itself receives explicit attention in the document. The plan mandates summary investigations whenever corruption allegations arise, establishes a specialized unit to handle such cases, and reweights promotion criteria to give greater importance to an officer's disciplinary record. The message is clear: advancement should reward clean conduct, not seniority alone.
To strengthen police capacity against organized crime, the plan proposes an anti-crime bonus for investigators, closer coordination with the Financial Intelligence Unit to trace money flowing from extortion operations, and the transformation of DIVIAC into a directorate with enhanced technical capabilities. Colchado's framing throughout is that these are not party-line measures but instruments designed to serve the country's security interests regardless of which political faction might benefit. Whether that distinction holds weight in practice remains to be seen as the plan moves toward implementation.
Notable Quotes
These are not proposals for a party—they are tools to restore safety to Peru— Harvey Colchado, via social media statement
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does Colchado's endorsement matter here? He's not in government yet.
He's not, but he's a credible voice on security—he ran DIVIAC, the unit that investigates the hardest cases. When he says these proposals came from his party and made it into JP's plan, he's essentially vouching for their seriousness.
The DIVIAC elevation seems to be the headline. What does that actually change?
Right now DIVIAC is a division within a larger structure. Making it a directorate gives it independence, its own budget authority, and the ability to pursue investigations without as many layers of approval. It's about operational speed and autonomy.
The interoperable IT system—is that new, or just better coordination?
It's new infrastructure. Right now these institutions don't share data seamlessly. A cop investigating a case has to request information from the courts or the prison system through formal channels. An integrated system means real-time access, which matters enormously when you're tracking organized crime networks.
What about the university oversight of police academies? That feels like a different kind of reform.
It is. It's saying the police can't train their own people in isolation anymore. Bringing in top universities signals that police training becomes a public accountability matter, not an internal affair. The polygraph testing is the same impulse—external verification.
Does Colchado's claim that these aren't partisan proposals hold up?
It's complicated. He's saying the ideas transcend party interest, but the fact that he's highlighting them now, as JP prepares to govern, suggests they matter politically too. The distinction between good policy and good politics is rarely clean.