Labour's devolution blueprint would give English mayors sweeping control over social care, health and skills

The days of Whitehall fighting devolution are over, for good.
Burnham's declaration of intent as he prepares to reshape how England's government operates.

For decades, England's regions have watched power pool in London while their communities fell further behind the rest of western Europe. Now a Labour policy paper, shaped by Andy Burnham's inner circle, proposes a fundamental reordering: mayors given real authority over health, education, and skills, with Whitehall stepping back from its long habit of command. It is a wager that democracy works better when it is closer to the people it governs — and a test of whether a party in power can genuinely loosen its own grip.

  • England's regional inequality — seven of the ten poorest regions in northern Europe are English — lends this proposal a moral urgency that goes beyond party politics.
  • The blueprint would hand mayors sweeping control over social care, childcare, health, and skills, with appointed commissioners wielding real local authority rather than deferring to Whitehall.
  • Andy Burnham has already moved symbolically, announcing plans to shift parts of the Downing Street operation to Manchester and declaring the era of Whitehall resistance to devolution over.
  • Internal Labour resistance is building, with some MPs alarmed that deeper devolution could hand power to Reform UK mayors in counties like Kent, turning a progressive reform into a political liability.
  • A senior Treasury voice warns that past devolution has merely layered regional bureaucracy on top of central bureaucracy — for this to mean anything, Westminster must genuinely let go.

A policy paper circulating inside Labour circles proposes one of the most significant reshapings of English governance in a generation. Written by JP Spencer of ThinkLabour — a thinktank aligned with Andy Burnham's thinking — it would give English mayors direct control over social care, childcare, health services, and skills training. Mayors would appoint health and education commissioners with real local authority, mirroring the model already used for policing, and could draw more than £4 billion annually from the growth and skills levy. The paper frames this as a necessary response to a political system that has concentrated power in London while leaving the regions behind.

The urgency is grounded in hard data. Seven of the ten poorest regions in northern Europe are English, a disparity that many trace directly to Whitehall's centralising instincts. Burnham, widely expected to become the next prime minister, has already signalled his direction by announcing plans to relocate parts of the Downing Street operation to Manchester. Spencer's paper also endorses aligning any consolidated police forces with mayoral boundaries, potentially allowing mayors to serve as police and crime commissioners — a possible middle path between Burnham's scepticism of wholesale force mergers and the Justice Secretary's restructuring ambitions.

Support within the government is real but not universal. Housing secretary Steve Reed, who once held back from pushing beyond the existing devolution bill, now says regional inequality is tearing the country apart and wants to go further. Angela Rayner is expected to deliver a speech committing Labour to deeper devolution and is mentioned as a possible successor to Reed in a Burnham administration.

Yet the proposal faces friction from within Labour's own ranks. Some MPs are uneasy about the prospect of Reform UK winning mayoral contests in places like Kent, turning the devolution agenda into a vehicle for political opponents. More structurally, Keir Starmer's chief secretary Darren Jones has cautioned that past devolution exercises simply added regional layers without removing central ones — producing more bureaucracy rather than more genuine local power. For the model to deliver, he argues, Westminster must be willing to trust local leaders and actually cut back its own oversight, not merely redistribute the paperwork.

A blueprint for reshaping how England governs itself is taking shape inside Labour circles, and it reads like a direct challenge to decades of centralized power. The proposal, authored by JP Spencer—a policy architect helping Andy Burnham prepare for a likely move to Downing Street—would hand English mayors control over social care, childcare, health services, and skills training. It's a radical decentralization, and it signals how thoroughly Burnham intends to remake the machinery of government if he becomes prime minister.

Spencer leads devolution policy at ThinkLabour, a thinktank aligned with Burnham's thinking. His paper argues that the old command-and-control systems emanating from Whitehall have failed to solve the country's most stubborn problems. Instead, he proposes a state reorganized around local democratic boundaries, with a central government that guides rather than dictates. Under this model, mayors would appoint health and education commissioners—officials with real authority over local schools, GP practices, and childcare provision, mirroring the role already played by police and crime commissioners. Sixth-form colleges and the government's skills agenda would fall directly under mayoral control, potentially drawing more than £4 billion annually from the growth and skills levy to fund the work.

The urgency behind this thinking is rooted in a stark fact: England suffers from some of the worst regional inequality in the western world. Seven of the ten poorest regions in northern Europe are English. That disparity, many experts argue, traces directly to a political system that concentrates power in London and starves the regions of real decision-making authority. Burnham has already begun signaling this shift. Earlier in the week, he announced plans to relocate parts of the Downing Street operation to Manchester, declaring that the era of Whitehall resisting devolution is finished.

The proposal extends to policing as well. Spencer endorses Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood's plan to consolidate England and Wales's 43 police forces into between 12 and 20 larger regional constabularies, but with a twist: align them with mayoral boundaries and allow mayors themselves to serve as police and crime commissioners. This could address concerns that larger forces would become unaccountable black boxes. Burnham, however, is reportedly skeptical of Mahmood's broader restructuring, so Spencer's alignment proposal may offer a middle path.

These ideas are not entirely new. Steve Reed, the current housing and local government secretary, previously considered similar proposals but decided against pushing beyond the existing devolution bill, which allows mayors to request additional powers. Now Reed says he wants to go further, telling the Guardian that regional economic inequality is tearing the country apart and that deeper devolution is the answer. Angela Rayner, his predecessor in that role, is scheduled to deliver a speech committing Labour to further devolution and is being mentioned as a possible successor to Reed under a Burnham government.

But resistance exists within Labour's own ranks. Some MPs, particularly those representing Kent, worry about the prospect of a county mayor who would almost certainly be elected from Nigel Farage's Reform UK. The political math in certain regions could produce outcomes that make some Labour figures uncomfortable. Darren Jones, Keir Starmer's chief secretary, has also sounded a cautionary note. He warned that pushing power out of Whitehall must be coupled with actual cuts to the central bureaucracy. In the past, he noted, devolution has simply meant duplicating oversight—adding regional layers without removing Westminster ones, creating more state rather than more genuine local power. For the model to work, he argued, Westminster must genuinely trust local leaders to make decisions without constant second-guessing from the center.

National command and control systems have proved insufficient to tackling our more complex problems.
— JP Spencer, ThinkLabour
This country is being pulled apart by regional economic inequality. The answer to that is to go further on devolution.
— Steve Reed, housing and local government secretary
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Inventor

Why does a thinktank paper about mayors matter right now?

Model

Because the person writing it is advising the man who's about to be prime minister. Spencer isn't floating ideas into the void—he's shaping what Burnham will actually do with power.

Inventor

But mayors already exist. What's actually changing here?

Model

The scope. Right now a mayor might control transport or housing. Under this plan, they'd control health, social care, skills, education. Essentially, the things that determine whether a region thrives or declines.

Inventor

And Burnham wants this because...?

Model

Because England's regional inequality is catastrophic. The poorest parts of northern Europe are mostly English. He believes that happens because London makes all the decisions. You can't fix that from London.

Inventor

What's the catch?

Model

Some Labour MPs are terrified. If you devolve power to Kent, you might get a Reform UK mayor. You're trading control for legitimacy, and not everyone's comfortable with that trade.

Inventor

Does this actually work? Has anyone tried it?

Model

Not quite like this in England. But the warning from inside government is clear: you can't just move power down and leave all the oversight up. You have to actually let go.

Inventor

So what happens next?

Model

Burnham becomes PM, probably this month. Then he has to decide how far he's actually willing to go. The blueprint exists. The political will is less certain.

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