Partners and not rivals in a world they see as multipolar
In Tianjin, two ancient civilizations with a long history of rivalry chose the stage of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit to declare themselves partners rather than adversaries. Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, meeting for the first time on Chinese soil in seven years, pledged to resume suspended air links, ease border tensions, and pursue what both called 'strategic autonomy' — a quiet but unmistakable signal that the world's two most populous nations intend to write their own chapter in a multipolar age. Around them gathered Russia, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and North Korea, a constellation of powers united less by ideology than by a shared desire to operate beyond the gravitational pull of Western-led order.
- A five-year freeze in direct flights and a Himalayan border dispute that drew blood in 2020 have kept two of the world's largest economies in a cold, costly estrangement — and both leaders arrived in Tianjin knowing the world was watching.
- Modi's first visit to China in seven years was carefully staged as reconciliation, but the absence of any concrete timeline for resuming flights or resolving the border revealed how much unfinished business still lies beneath the diplomatic warmth.
- Both governments used nearly identical language to warn off outside interference, with each side declaring that their bilateral relationship 'will not be influenced by third parties' — a pointed message aimed squarely at Washington.
- Putin arrived at the same summit under the weight of 9 percent inflation, an 18 percent central bank rate, and economists warning that Russia's war economy has perhaps one year of runway left — making his show of solidarity with Xi and Modi a performance of strength masking genuine fragility.
- The gathering in Tianjin amounted to a stress test for a nascent multipolar order: whether nations as different as China, India, Russia, Iran, and Turkey can hold together a coalition defined more by what they oppose than what they share.
On Sunday in Tianjin, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi sat down on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit and declared their nations should be 'partners and not rivals.' The moment was carefully staged, but it also marked a genuine attempt to thaw a relationship frozen since 2020, when soldiers from both countries clashed in the Himalayan border region.
The most tangible sign of warming was an agreement to resume direct commercial flights, suspended for five years. Modi's visit was his first to China in seven years, though the two had met once in Kazan in 2024 — a meeting Xi called the 'restart of China-India relations.' The leaders also agreed to work toward easier tourist visas and broader people-to-people ties. Neither side offered a timeline for when flights might actually return.
On the border, both governments chose careful language. India said Modi was willing to seek 'a fair, reasonable, and mutually acceptable solution.' China described the situation as 'peaceful and stable.' The phrasing suggested the dispute is being managed rather than resolved.
What united both leaders most visibly was the language of independence. Modi and Xi each invoked 'strategic autonomy' and warned that their relationship should not be viewed 'through a third country lens.' The message was clear: both nations intend to chart their own course in a world they see as multipolar, positioning themselves as voices of the Global South.
The summit drew a wider cast. Vladimir Putin was en route to Tianjin, joining leaders from Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey, with North Korea's Kim Jong-un also expected. Putin arrived carrying the weight of a war economy under strain — inflation near 9 percent, interest rates at 18 percent, and economists estimating Russia could sustain its war effort for roughly another year. For him, the gathering was a chance to project solidarity at a moment of mounting internal pressure.
For Xi and Modi, Tianjin offered something more nuanced: proof that two rival powers could manage their tensions in public and signal to the world that they intended to operate on their own terms. The flights may not resume tomorrow, and the border remains unsettled. But the willingness to appear together, and to say so plainly, was itself a kind of statement.
In the Chinese city of Tianjin on Sunday, two of the world's largest economies made a public show of reconciliation. Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi sat down on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit and declared that their nations should be "partners and not rivals." It was a carefully choreographed moment, but also a genuine attempt to thaw relations that have been frozen for years.
The most concrete symbol of that thaw is the resumption of direct flights. Commercial air service between China and India has been suspended since 2020, when soldiers from both countries clashed in the Himalayan border region in a dispute that stretches back decades. Modi's visit to China on Sunday was his first in seven years, though he and Xi had met once before in Kazan in 2024—a meeting Xi explicitly praised as the "restart of China-India relations." Beyond flights, the two leaders agreed to work on tourist visa approvals and to strengthen ties between their populations more broadly. Neither government offered a timeline for when service might actually resume.
The border itself remains a point of tension, though both sides presented it as stable. India's government said Modi emphasized that New Delhi is "willing to work with China to seek a fair, reasonable, and mutually acceptable solution" to the territorial dispute. China's Foreign Ministry echoed the sentiment, noting that the border remains "peaceful and stable," but the careful language suggested that the underlying disagreement has not been resolved—only managed.
What struck both leaders most forcefully was the idea of independence from outside pressure. Modi stated that India and China both pursue what they call "strategic autonomy," and that their relationship "should not be seen through a third country lens." China made the same point in reverse: bilateral relations, it said, "will not be influenced by third parties." The message was unmistakable. Both nations were signaling that they intend to chart their own course in a world they see as multipolar, not dominated by any single power. They positioned themselves as leaders of the Global South, ancient civilizations with shared interests in terrorism prevention and fair trade in international forums.
The summit itself was larger than just these two. Russian President Vladimir Putin was making his way to Tianjin as well, along with leaders from Pakistan and Iran. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan had already met with Xi, and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un was expected to attend. The gathering amounted to a show of force by nations seeking to operate outside the Western-led international order.
Putin's presence carried particular weight. Russia's economy has been under strain from the costs of war in Ukraine and the weight of Western sanctions. Inflation was hovering around 9 percent, and the central bank had raised interest rates to 18 percent per year to combat it. In late July, the bank had lowered rates by two percentage points, suggesting some stabilization, but economists expected the central bank to keep rates elevated through 2025 before easing them toward 13 percent in 2026. The consensus among Russian economists was that the country could sustain its war effort for roughly another year—but new American sanctions could change that calculus. The Trump administration had recently imposed stiff penalties on India for continuing to purchase Russian oil, a move that signaled Washington's willingness to punish countries that maintain economic ties to Moscow.
For Putin, the summit represented an opportunity to project strength and solidarity with major powers at a moment when internal pressure over the war's costs was mounting. For Xi and Modi, it was a chance to demonstrate that they could manage their own rivalry while building a counterweight to American influence. The language of partnership and the commitment to resume flights suggested genuine movement. But the careful avoidance of any timeline for those flights, and the continued emphasis on the border as merely "stable" rather than resolved, suggested that the underlying tensions remained. What had changed was the willingness to manage them in public, and to do so in a way that signaled to the rest of the world that these nations intended to operate on their own terms.
Notable Quotes
India and China should be partners and not rivals— Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi, joint statement
Bilateral relations will not be influenced by third parties— China's Foreign Ministry
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does it matter that Modi is visiting China for the first time in seven years? What changed?
The flights stopped in 2020 after soldiers died in border clashes. That wasn't just a diplomatic freeze—it was a physical severing. Resuming flights means people can move between the countries again. It's a signal that the two governments have decided the cost of hostility is higher than the cost of coexistence.
But they didn't actually agree to resume flights, did they? They just said they would "note the need."
Right. That's the careful part. They're saying the right things publicly, but they're not committing to a date. It suggests the border dispute is still real and unresolved. They're managing it, not solving it.
What does "strategic autonomy" mean in this context?
It means neither country wants to be told what to do by the United States. India is buying Russian oil despite American sanctions. China is building its own sphere of influence. They're saying to each other: we can work together without Washington's permission.
Why is Putin at this summit?
His economy is struggling under sanctions and war costs. He needs to show that Russia isn't isolated, that major powers still want to work with him. If India and China are standing with him, it undermines the Western narrative that Russia is alone.
Can Russia actually sustain the war for another year?
Economists think so, but it's fragile. Inflation is high, interest rates are punishing, and new American sanctions could break the math. Putin is betting that this summit—this show of unity with China and India—will help him weather it.