We're exactly where we shouldn't be, with weak ties to America
En el silencio de una llamada que nunca llegó a Madrid, José María Aznar lee el mapa de una España que ha perdido peso en Washington. Mientras Marco Rubio iniciaba su ronda diplomática contactando capitales europeas y Rabat, la ausencia de España en esa lista no es un accidente, sino el reflejo de años de distanciamiento con Estados Unidos y de una postura confrontacional hacia Israel. Aznar, que conoce desde dentro lo que significa ser interlocutor privilegiado de una administración americana, advierte que las consecuencias no son solo protocolarias: la cooperación en inteligencia y seguridad es el tejido invisible que sostiene las alianzas, y ese tejido se deshilacha en silencio.
- El nuevo Secretario de Estado Marco Rubio ha llamado a múltiples países europeos y a Marruecos, pero no a España, una omisión que Aznar interpreta como una señal diplomática de alarma.
- España arriesga quedarse fuera de los circuitos de inteligencia y seguridad que vertebran la cooperación atlántica, con consecuencias prácticas que van mucho más allá del protocolo.
- El compromiso español de alcanzar el 2% del PIB en defensa suena a promesa vacía cuando nadie explica de dónde saldrán los 14.000 millones de euros necesarios para cumplirlo.
- Aznar señala que Europa, y España con ella, perdió la revolución digital por sus propias decisiones, no por culpa de Trump, lo que agrava el aislamiento estratégico del país.
- Mientras la agenda nacional se consume en disputas sobre un prófugo, partidos nacionalistas y escándalos institucionales, las conversaciones que realmente importan sobre IA, energía e inmigración no encuentran espacio.
- La gestión de las inundaciones de Valencia añade otra capa de crítica: Aznar considera que el gobierno central debió declarar emergencia nacional en lugar de delegar la respuesta a la comunidad autónoma.
José María Aznar ha encendido la señal de alarma sobre el lugar que ocupa España en las prioridades de la nueva administración Trump. El detonante es revelador en su sencillez: Marco Rubio, recién nombrado Secretario de Estado, ya ha llamado a varias capitales europeas y a Rabat. Madrid sigue esperando. Para Aznar, ese silencio no es un olvido casual, sino el síntoma de un distanciamiento acumulado que ahora amenaza con traducirse en consecuencias reales sobre la cooperación en inteligencia y seguridad.
El contraste histórico duele. Cuando George W. Bush llegó al poder en 2001, España estaba entre los primeros países en recibir una llamada. Hoy, Marruecos, que ha cultivado lazos sólidos con Washington desde que reconoció a Israel, ocupa el espacio que antes tenía Madrid. Aznar recordó que solo dos españoles han hablado ante el Congreso de Estados Unidos: el rey y él mismo. Esa memoria de protagonismo hace más evidente la caída.
Aznar identifica dos causas del debilitamiento: el deterioro de la relación bilateral con Washington y la postura confrontacional de España hacia Israel. Juntas, crean vulnerabilidades estructurales. A eso se suma la cuestión del gasto en defensa: España se ha comprometido a llegar al 2% del PIB, pero Aznar pregunta en voz alta dónde están los 14.000 millones de euros que harían falta para cumplirlo, insinuando que el compromiso carece de sustancia.
Más allá de la diplomacia, Aznar aprovechó para señalar un problema de fondo en la gobernanza española. El país, dijo, está atrapado en disputas estériles —un líder prófugo, partidos nacionalistas, escándalos institucionales— mientras las conversaciones urgentes sobre inteligencia artificial, energía nuclear e inmigración no encuentran lugar. Sobre Europa y la tecnología fue tajante: el continente perdió la revolución digital por sus propias decisiones, no por culpa de nadie externo. Esa pérdida tecnológica agrava el aislamiento estratégico.
Sobre las inundaciones de Valencia, la peor catástrofe natural de la historia reciente de España, Aznar consideró que el gobierno central debió asumir el mando declarando emergencia nacional. La crítica implícita al presidente Sánchez se cerró con una nota de fe institucional casi melancólica: España, dijo, tiene un gran rey. Como si eso fuera lo que queda cuando todo lo demás falla.
José María Aznar, Spain's former president, has grown concerned about his country's standing with the incoming Trump administration—and he's not hiding his worry. The signal that triggered his alarm is almost absurdly simple: Marco Rubio, the new Secretary of State, has already called several European capitals and Rabat. He has not called Madrid. That silence, Aznar suggested in a Wednesday interview, speaks volumes about where Spain sits in Washington's priorities right now, and the consequences could ripple through intelligence and security cooperation.
Aznar framed the problem as a departure from history. When George W. Bush took office in 2001, Spain was among the first countries the new administration reached out to. The contrast stings. Rubio, who is of Cuban descent and speaks Spanish fluently, has chosen to begin his diplomatic rounds elsewhere. When asked why Morocco seemed to be getting ahead of Spain in Washington's attention, Aznar acknowledged that Morocco has cultivated strong ties with the United States, especially since recognizing Israel and moving closer to it diplomatically. But Spain, he argued, once held the more prominent position. He recalled that only two Spaniards have ever addressed Congress: the Spanish king and himself.
The former president traced Spain's current weakness to two things: deteriorating relations with the United States and a confrontational posture toward Israel. That combination, he warned, creates real vulnerabilities. Spain could face problems in security and intelligence sharing—the unglamorous but essential infrastructure of modern alliance-building. It's not a threat; it's a structural consequence of being on the wrong side of a relationship that matters.
Aznar also pressed on a separate but related wound: defense spending. Trump and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte have both pushed Spain to increase its military budget. Spain has committed to reaching 2 percent of GDP on defense, but Aznar questioned the math. Where, he asked, will the government find the 14 billion euros required to make good on that promise? The skepticism suggests he sees the commitment as hollow—words without a credible path to execution.
Beyond the immediate diplomatic crisis, Aznar used the platform to air broader frustrations with Spanish governance. He called for a return to the kind of state-level consensus that characterized Spain's transition to democracy in the 1970s and 1980s. He wants space for serious national conversation on artificial intelligence, immigration, energy policy, and nuclear power. Instead, he said, the country is consumed by internal feuds—disputes over a fugitive former leader, regional nationalist parties, the attorney general, the president's wife. Productive negotiation requires two willing parties, and Aznar suggested the government isn't one of them on the issues that matter most.
On artificial intelligence specifically, Aznar was blunt: Europe has lost the digital revolution. It's not Trump who endangered the continent, he said. Europe did it to itself through poor choices and execution. That loss of technological ground compounds the diplomatic isolation. A weakened Spain, cut off from Washington's inner circle and lagging in the industries that will define the next decade, faces a narrowing window to recalibrate.
Aznar also weighed in on the Valencia floods, Spain's worst natural disaster in recorded history. He argued that the central government should have declared a national emergency and mobilized all available resources rather than leaving the response to the regional government. The criticism carries an implicit judgment about the Sánchez administration's priorities and competence. He ended on a note of institutional faith: Spain has a great king, he said, as if that alone might steady the ship.
Citações Notáveis
The Secretary of State is being quite expressive by not having spoken with Spain yet— José María Aznar, former Spanish president
We are exactly where we should not be, with very weak relations with the US and a policy of confrontation with Israel— José María Aznar
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why does it matter that Rubio hasn't called Spain yet? Isn't that just scheduling?
It's not scheduling. When a new Secretary of State begins his outreach, the order and choice of countries signals priority and respect. Spain used to be in that first circle. Now it's not. That's a message.
But couldn't Spain just call Rubio instead?
They could, but it's not the same. The incoming administration sets the tone. If you have to chase them, you're already in a weaker position. Aznar's point is that Spain should be called, not calling.
He mentioned Israel. How does Spain's stance on Israel hurt it with Trump?
Trump's administration is strongly pro-Israel. Spain has been critical of Israeli policy, especially on Gaza. In Washington's current view, that's not a neutral position—it's a choice against them. And choices have consequences.
What about the defense spending? Is that a real problem or just political theater?
It's real. Spain committed to 2 percent of GDP on defense, but Aznar is right to question where the money comes from. If you can't fund your commitments, you lose credibility. And credibility is what you need when you're already out of favor.
Is Aznar just being nostalgic about his own era?
Partly. But he's also pointing to a structural fact: Spain has less leverage now than it did twenty years ago. That's not nostalgia. That's a diagnosis.
What does Spain actually need to do?
Repair the relationship with Washington, probably by shifting on Israel. Increase defense spending credibly. And domestically, build consensus on big issues instead of fighting over personalities. But none of that happens quickly.